2009
DOI: 10.3765/salt.v19i0.2530
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Relevance of Polarity for the Online Interpretation of Scalar Terms

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Cited by 11 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…If the ongoing pragmatic revision process after encountering an infelicitous quantifier affects lexico-semantic processing, either by limiting the extent to which the parser commits to predictions about upcoming material or by using the same processing resources that would otherwise be used for lexico-semantic prediction and integration, then the N400 effect for lexico-semantic violations at the object position should be modulated. For instance, Panizza and colleagues (2011) found that participants in a visual world eye-tracking experiment were slower to look to an unambiguous target (e.g., slower to look to socks after socks had already been heard) when the target word was in a scalar implicature-supporting context than when it was not, suggesting that generating a scalar implicature may have interfered with their ability to use disambiguating phonological information for lexico-semantic integration. In a similar vein, our Experiment 2 tests whether revising an underinformative scalar inference interferes with lexico-semantic integration between the picture and the sentential object.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…If the ongoing pragmatic revision process after encountering an infelicitous quantifier affects lexico-semantic processing, either by limiting the extent to which the parser commits to predictions about upcoming material or by using the same processing resources that would otherwise be used for lexico-semantic prediction and integration, then the N400 effect for lexico-semantic violations at the object position should be modulated. For instance, Panizza and colleagues (2011) found that participants in a visual world eye-tracking experiment were slower to look to an unambiguous target (e.g., slower to look to socks after socks had already been heard) when the target word was in a scalar implicature-supporting context than when it was not, suggesting that generating a scalar implicature may have interfered with their ability to use disambiguating phonological information for lexico-semantic integration. In a similar vein, our Experiment 2 tests whether revising an underinformative scalar inference interferes with lexico-semantic integration between the picture and the sentential object.…”
Section: Resultsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…2016), the interpretation of pronouns, demonstratives, and reflexives (e.g., Arnold, 2001;Arnold et al, 2000;Kaiser et al, 2009;Kaiser and Trueswell, 2008), and children's interpretations of referential expressions in adult input (Arunachalam, 2016). Eye tracking has also been informative for studying the interpretation of prosody (e.g., Kurumada et al, 2014;Dahan et al, 2002;Weber et al, 2006;Watson et al, 2008;Ito and Speer, 2008), the time-course of pragmatic inferences (Breheny et al, 2013;Englehardt et al, 2006;Sedivy et al, 1999;Grodner and Sedivy, 2011;Huang and Snedeker, 2009a, b;Panizza et al, 2009;Grodner et al, 2010;Heller et al, 2008;Wolter et al, 2011;Schwarz, 2014), and the processing of disfluencies in the speech stream (Arnold et al, 2003(Arnold et al, , 2004(Arnold et al, , 2007Bailey and Ferreira, 2007). Since the goal of this paper is to review research on speech recognition in challenging conditions, this section will focus on eye tracking studies of word and sentence recognition.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…For example, because the Gricean approach is committed to these predictions, it can explain the disappearance of scalar implicatures in (7‐a), but it is faced with the challenge of making sense of the contrast between (8) and (9) and of the possibility of the scalar implicature in (10‐c). On the other hand, while the grammatical theory can appeal to embedded implicatures to account for the felicity of (9), and it exploits the possibility of negating non‐weaker alternatives to account for the scalar implicature in (10‐c), it is faced with the challenge of explaining why an embedded implicature in (7‐a) seems to be dispreferred (e.g., Chierchia et al ; Geurts and Pouscoulous ; Panizza et al ), and of explaining new puzzles that arise when the negation of non‐weaker alternatives becomes possible…”
Section: Background On Scalar Implicaturementioning
confidence: 99%