Chaplains in healthcare increasingly work in interfaith roles with patients and families from a range of religious and spiritual backgrounds. Some move with ease between their own religious backgrounds and those of the individuals with whom they work. Others encounter tensions as their status as a person of faith comes into
INTRODUCTIONIn a recent critique of the sociology of religion as a field, colleagues and I call on scholars to consider religion from four edges or new perspectives in order to "de-center many taken-forgranted ways of thinking about religion" (Cadge, Levitt, and Smilde 2011:438). This approach will diversify the study of religion, lead scholars to question conventional conceptualizations, and encourage a wider range of social scientists to consider how religion intersects with other aspects of social life. "Questioning conventional categories and wisdom" will lead sociologists of religion "to creatively rethink core concepts and to engage more fully with sociology in general" (Cadge, Levitt, and Smilde 2011:447).We take up this call here by focusing on religion outside of religious organizations-one of the four edges we identify. Religion is present (and must be negotiated) outside of religious organizations in public life and through holiday displays, rules about dress, casual conversation, and in the religious beliefs and practices of staff and constituents in secular organizations (Adding Eid 2010;Bender 2003;Calhoun 2010;Heclo 2003;Pierce 2008;Taylor 2007;Trautner and Kwan 2010). While sociologists have focused significant attention on the dynamics of religious organizations, less is known about how religion is present and negotiated in secular organizations Acknowledgments: The authors would like to thank Nancy Ammerman, Jim Beckford, Marie Cornwall, and three anonymous reviewers for comments on earlier versions of this article. (Chang 2003;Demerath et al. 1998).1 Classic secularization arguments are partially to blame as scholars historically argued that institutional differentiation would lead religion or the sacred to disappear from secular organizations (Demerath et al. 1998). It clearly has not and failing to ask about how religion is present and religious differences negotiated in secular organizations furthers what Ammerman calls "one of the . . . great 'problems' of modernity . . . the differentiation of institutional spheres, the separation of one part of life from another" (2007:228). We respond to this problem here by investigating one of the "multiple spaces (including secular ones) where religious sensitivities and selves are robustly explored and cultivated" and asking how religious diversity is negotiated as different spheres of life come together in one place (Bender 2010:182).We focus on how secular organizations negotiate religious diversity through the case of one secular academic medical center. While much has been written about religion, health, and healthcare, little focuses on how healthcare organizations themselves manage religious diversity (Cadge 2009;Cadge and ...