Rematch: Islamic politics, mobilisation, and the Indonesian presidential election

Gueorguiev, Dimitar D.; Ostwald, Kai; Schüler, Paul

doi:10.1080/00323187.2019.1584733

Cited by 16 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…A nationwide survey of intolerance of at least 300,000 households in 2014 (SUSENAS data) suggested a clear correlation between the 2019 presidential election results and the religious intolerance level in 2014. In the 2019 presidential election (as well as in the previous election in 2014), the president/vice president candidates Jokowi/Ma'ruf, perceived as nationalist and representing a more moderate form of Islam, directly competed against the candidates Prabowo/Sandi, who were supported by more conservative Islamists (Gueorguiev et al 2018). Interestingly, as shown in Figure 2, we find strong cross-provincial correlations between various types of religious tolerance and votes for Jokowi/Ma'ruf in the 2019 election: in less tolerant provinces, the more moderate candidates Jokowi/Ma'ruf gained a lesser percentage of the total votes.…”

Section: Overview Of Rising Conservatism and Religious Intolerance In Indonesiamentioning

confidence: 99%

On Socio-Economic Predictors of Religious Intolerance: Evidence from a Large-Scale Longitudinal Survey in the Largest Muslim Democracy

2019

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Motivated by increasing religious intolerance, we study the socio-economic covariates of individual-level religious intolerance in Indonesia, the largest Muslim democracy in the world. We use panel data from 2007 and 2014 of more than 20,000 adult individuals (representing 83% of the population) and apply fixed-effect regression analysis to identify relevant socio-economic characteristics that are highly associated with religious intolerance at the individual level. We utilize survey questions on willingness to accept someone with different faith living in the same village, living in the same neighborhood, renting a house, marrying relatives or children, and building a place of worship in the neighborhood as our measures of religious intolerance. We find that higher individual income and educational attainment are positively correlated with the tolerance level. At the same time, a higher level of self-declared religiosity is negatively correlated with a tolerant attitude. For location-specific characteristics, higher income inequality and extent of poverty in the location where an individual resides are associated with a higher level of religious intolerance. These patterns are generally robust across different measures of religious intolerance, although there is heterogeneity in the magnitudes of the correlations, where these covariates have the smallest correlations with the willingness to accept interfaith marriage in the family.

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Section: Overview Of Rising Conservatism and Religious Intolerance In Indonesiamentioning

confidence: 99%

On Socio-Economic Predictors of Religious Intolerance: Evidence from a Large-Scale Longitudinal Survey in the Largest Muslim Democracy

2019

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“…They find that voters' political choices are determined by their own characteristics as well as those of their preferred political faction, citing the fact that religiously conservative areas were more likely to have supported Prabowo Subianto during Indonesia's 2014 presidential election, while residents of poor rural areas tended to vote for Joko Widodo. Gueorguiev, Ostwald, & Schuler (2018) also find that conservative Islamic groups have often mobilised mass support in order to realise the desired electoral results.…”

Section: Identity and Local Politics In Indonesiamentioning

confidence: 98%

“…In the world's largest Muslim majority country-some 87% of Indonesians are Muslim (Indonesia, 2016)-political Islam has become increasingly important and consistently influenced the behaviours of the Indonesian people. Gueorguiev, Ostwald, & Schuler (2018) argue that an ideological divide between conservative Muslims and secular nationalists has significantly affected not only candidates' political strategies, but also voters' behaviour and choices. They find that voters' political choices are determined by their own characteristics as well as those of their preferred political faction, citing the fact that religiously conservative areas were more likely to have supported Prabowo Subianto during Indonesia's 2014 presidential election, while residents of poor rural areas tended to vote for Joko Widodo.…”

Section: Identity and Local Politics In Indonesiamentioning

confidence: 99%

Coping, Identity, and Programmatic Politics in a Javanese Village Head Election: The Case of Temon Kulon, Yogyakarta

Harjanto

2019

Power, Conflict and Democracy Journal

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This article explores the programmatic policies used by the incumbent in Temon Kulon Village, Kulon Progo Regency, Yogyakarta, during the village chief election. It finds that, even as identity politics (particularly religion) have become an increasingly important part of Indonesian politics, some village chiefs attempted to apply programmatic politics. Although most commonly associated with higher levels of government (including municipal elections) and political parties, in this case programmatic politics was applied within a village where local traditions and culture remained strong. This article also shows that identity politics is used not only to mobilise support against non-Muslim incumbents; it is also used to contest elections through a cultural primordialism. Through analysis of qualitative and quantitative data, as well as a series of interviews and observations, this article shows that religious fundamentalism can be moderated through a combination of programmatic politics and local political identities.

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“…According to Article 7 of the Indonesian Constitution, the president may hold office for two five‐year terms only, preventing Yudhoyono from contesting the 2014 election. In this election, Joko Widodo was elected the first president of Indonesia with no military or elitist background (Gueorguiev, Ostwald, & Schuler, 2018). He was previously the Mayor of Surakarta (2005–2012) and the Governor of Jakarta (2012–2014).…”

Section: Centripetalism: An Alternative Approachmentioning

confidence: 99%

Consociationalism under examination: Is consociationalism the optimal multiculturalist approach for Turkey?

Kolçak

2020

Digest Mid East Studies

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Some scholars maintain that the Republic of Turkey should construct a consociational model to manage its ethnocultural diversity. This article suggests consociationalism is not the optimal multiculturalist approach for Turkey, where there is some degree of interethnic moderation between ethnic Kurds and Turks at the grassroots level. In the presence of this mass-based moderation, a consociational formula is unlikely to provide Turkish political leaders with political incentives that urge them to cooperate and enter into consociational power-sharing arrangements with their Kurdish counterparts. This renders consociational power-sharing arrangements difficult to promote or enforce in Turkey. In the absence of such incentives, any multicultural reform of the consociational formula would not be sustainable in Turkey. There would simply not be enough popular support for such reforms. There are some electoral strategies that offer both majority and minority leaders political incentives to move toward the moderate middle, form interethnic coalitions, foster interculturalism, and increase the number of intercultural citizens. These strategies are offered by centripetalism, another multiculturalist approach to managing ethno-cultural diversity.

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Rematch: Islamic politics, mobilisation, and the Indonesian presidential election

Cited by 16 publications

References 16 publications

On Socio-Economic Predictors of Religious Intolerance: Evidence from a Large-Scale Longitudinal Survey in the Largest Muslim Democracy

On Socio-Economic Predictors of Religious Intolerance: Evidence from a Large-Scale Longitudinal Survey in the Largest Muslim Democracy

Coping, Identity, and Programmatic Politics in a Javanese Village Head Election: The Case of Temon Kulon, Yogyakarta

Consociationalism under examination: Is consociationalism the optimal multiculturalist approach for Turkey?

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