Repertoires of Timekeeping in Anthropology

Gingrich, André; Ochs, Elinor; Swedlund, Alan C.

doi:10.1086/339564

Cited by 24 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…Perceptions of time and temporality are deeply intertwined with knowledge creation, accumulation, and transfer, as well as cultural orientation (Gingrich et al 2002), and can vary greatly from one knowledge community to another. In some contexts, time is presumed to be the linear progression of certain events happening one after another.…”

Section: Knowing About Time and The Timing Of Knowingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Indian time: time, seasonality, and culture in Traditional Ecological Knowledge of climate change

et al. 2018

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Introduction: Western climate science and Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) represent complementary and overlapping views of the causes and consequences of change. In particular, observations of changes in abundance, distribution, phenology, or behavior of the natural environment (including plants and animals) can have a rich cultural and spiritual interpretation in Indigenous communities that may not be present in western science epistemologies.Results: Using interviews with Indigenous elders and other Traditional Knowledge holders, we demonstrate that assumptions about the nature, perception, and utilization of time and timing can differ across knowledge systems in regard to climate change. Conclusions: Our interviewees' focus on relationality predisposes them to notice interactional changes among humans and other species, to be sensitive to smaller scale examples of change, to be more likely to see climate change as part of a broader time scale, and to link changes to a greater suite of socio-political phenomena, including the long arc of colonialism. One implication of this research and the interactions among humans and other species is that policies restricting Native and non-Native access to resources (i.e., hunting and fishing) to certain calendar seasons may need to be revisited in a changing climate.

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Section: Knowing About Time and The Timing Of Knowingmentioning

confidence: 99%

Indian time: time, seasonality, and culture in Traditional Ecological Knowledge of climate change

et al. 2018

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“…Par perception sociale du temps, nous faisons réfé-rence à la façon dont se construit collectivement l'expérience temporelle et comment elle touche les individus et la configuration de leur identité sociale. Il s'agit d'une orientation qui a pris forme au cours des dernières années dans les études anthropologiques du temps (Gell, 1992 ;Gingrich et al, 2002 ;James et Mill, 2005). Il existe une double direction, une dynamique d'aller-retour entre la société et le temps.…”

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Les dimensions temporelles du suicide : une hypothèse*

Carbonell-Camós

2009

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Dans cet article, l’auteur aborde les dimensions temporelles du suicide en tenant compte des multiples approches existantes — physiologie circadienne, épidémiologie psychiatrique ou sociologie du suicide — mais en privilégiant une perspective socio anthropologique. À partir de cette perspective, le suicide est examiné tel un phénomène social qui s’inscrit dans le temps. En partant d’une préoccupation propre à l’anthropologie du temps, soit la relation entre le temps de la nature et le temps de la société, l’auteur aborde un des thèmes clés de l’étude du suicide déjà énoncé par Durkheim, soit la relation entre le changement qui est une expression de base du passage du temps et le suicide. Après avoir présenté différentes contributions scientifiques sur le sujet, l’auteur propose une hypothèse permettant d’intégrer l’influence du temps relié aux phénomènes naturels (les rythmes cosmo-biologiques) et celle du temps relié aux phénomènes sociaux (rythmes politico-économiques) en relation avec le suicide et ce à partir de la théorie de Gabennesch portant sur les « promesses non tenues ».In this article, the author examines the temporal dimensions of suicide by taking into account the multiple existing approaches—circadian physiology, psychiatric or sociological epidemiology of suicide—however promoting a socio-anthropological perspective. From this perspective, suicide is examined as a social phenomenon inscribed in time. By beginning with a concern that is characteristic of anthropology of time, knowingly the relation between time of nature and time of society, the author addresses a key issue of the study of suicide already elaborated by Durkheim, in the relation between change that is a basic expression of the passage of time and suicide. After presenting different scientific contributions on the subject, the author proposes an hypothesis allowing integration of the influence of time related to natural phenomenon (cosmobiological rhythms) and the relation of time to social phenomenon (politico-economic rhythms) in relation with suicide and this, according to Gabennesch’s theory of “failed promises.”En este artículo el autor aborda las dimensiones temporales del suicidio teniendo en cuenta los múltiples enfoques existentes – fisiología circadiana, epidemiología psiquiátrica o sociología del suicidio – pero privilegiando una perspectiva socio-antropológica. A partir de esta perspectiva, se examina el suicidio como un fenómeno social inscrito en el tiempo. Partiendo de una preocupación propia de la antropología del tiempo – es decir, la relación entre el tiempo de la naturaleza y el tiempo de la sociedad – el autor aborda uno de los temas clave del estudio del suicidio anteriormente enunciado por Durkheim, o sea la relación entre el cambio, que es una expresión de base del paso del tiempo, y el suicidio. Después de haber presentado diferentes contribuciones científicas acerca del tema, el autor propone una hipótesis que permite integrar la influencia del tiempo asociado a los fenómenos naturales (los ritmos cosmo-bioló...

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“…In his sense of the term, temporality relates not only to the historical rhythms producing the conditions of the present, but also to the experiential modes of duration in subjective agency itself (Gingrich, Ochs, and Swedlund 2002). In turn, compressions of time and space and a shift toward charging the present with the goals and dangers of the future are two fundamental movements toward a second modernity (Harvey 1990).…”

Section: Two Modes Of Reinvigorating Anthropology's Epistemologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Evidence in Socio-Cultural Anthropology: Limits and Options for Epistemological Orientations

Gingrich¹

2009

Social Analysis

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This article identifies what Sir Edmund Leach once called 'amongitis' as one of socio-cultural anthropology's major problems that make interdisciplinary dialogues on evidence-based epistemological topics difficult. Topics of wider and larger scale, however, can and should be addressed if anthropology brings out more fully its implicit epistemological strength of a dialogical relationship between objectivism and subjectivism. The current conditions of a globalizing world actually transform this possibility into a necessity. In order to face this need, a new realism is proposed that is capable of dealing with the conditions and challenges of a second modernity. Two ranges of epistemological sources are suggested that may inform such a new realism. One range is based in the traditions of Western philosophy, while the other is rooted outside the secularized or theological legacies of monotheism.Any assessment of the epistemological basis for socio-cultural anthropology and ethnography requires a consideration of the nature of evidence in these fields (Engelke 2008). What assumptions prevail with regard to evidence, and what can we say about corresponding practices? In the first section of this article, I approach these questions by summarizing briefly the differences of relevant legacies in some neighboring disciplines. As we will see, I believe that socio-cultural anthropology's dialogical, fieldwork-based orientation places it in a unique position to overcome a subjectivist-objectivist dichotomy that prevails in some of these related fields. In the article's second section, I examine several specific epistemological legacies of socio-cultural anthropology that have been actively engaged in this dialogical enterprise during recent decades. | Andre GingrichThis leads me to identify some of the challenges of what has been called a 'second modernity', which we are said to be about to enter. In the third and final section, I inquire about the epistemological and evidence-related contents of the challenges imposed upon us by this second modernity and explore the available options for reinvigorating our epistemological skills. Leaving 'Amongitis' BehindMost authors who deal with the subject will agree that epistemology is concerned with human knowledge-with its conditions, its possibilities, and its limits. In the present context I thus focus on the conditions, the possibilities, and the limits of ethnographic and anthropological knowledge. Unavoidably, this involves answers to questions such as "knowledge about what, and about whom?" Here is where the notion of evidence enters our discussion, either implicitly or explicitly. Epistemological implications can and should be considered from various other angles as well, but addressing them through a perspective on evidence helps to emphasize the empirical foundations of socio-cultural anthropology. In one way or another, the discipline has always been embedded in ethnographic fieldwork and rooted in ethnography. For this very reason, it is clear what kind of evidence is most...

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Repertoires of Timekeeping in Anthropology

Cited by 24 publications

References 6 publications

Indian time: time, seasonality, and culture in Traditional Ecological Knowledge of climate change

Indian time: time, seasonality, and culture in Traditional Ecological Knowledge of climate change

Les dimensions temporelles du suicide : une hypothèse*

Evidence in Socio-Cultural Anthropology: Limits and Options for Epistemological Orientations

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