Representation-based models in the current landscape of phonological theory

In the literature of laryngeal phonology Romance languages are considered voice languages, exhibiting a binary distinction between a voiced lenis and a voiceless fortis set of obstruents. Voice languages are characterised by regressive voice assimilation (RVA) due to the phonological activity of [voice]. Italian manifests a process similar to RVA, called preconsonantal s-voicing; that is, /s/ becomes voiced before voiced consonants. Since /sC/ is the only obstruent cluster in Italian phonotactics, Italian seems to fulfil the requirements for being a prototypical voice language. However, this paper argues that s-voicing is not an instance of RVA, at least from a synchronic phonological point of view. RVA and Italian preconsonantal s-voicing essentially differ at every level of a synchronic comparison: in the input, in the trigger, in the domain of application and in the frequency of the processes. In Italian only sibilant fricatives may undergo voicing before consonants; however, other obstruents (which mostly appear in loanwords) do not assimilate for [voice]. Italian preconsonantal s-voicing does not take place at the word boundary or at morpheme boundaries, and it seems to be optional is new loanwords; thus, it is not a postlexical process like RVA. The synchronic differences between the two phenomena are analysed in Classical Optimality Theory. The laryngeal system of Italian prefers faithfulness over markedness, which means that non-/sC/ obstruent clusters surface with underlying voice values; while the voicing of /s/ before voiced consonants is seen as phonetic and not phonological.

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Cross-morphemic palatalisation in Getxo Basque: empty positions, bipositionality and place licensing

Bérces

Ulfsbjorninn

2022

The Linguistic Review

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The variety of Basque characteristic of Getxo exhibits a form of coronal palatalisation that takes place intervocalically within and across words, triggered by a preceding [i] or [j]. This system in particular is interesting because it sets up a paradox as it both applies and does not apply at the word-level. The rule is sensitive to the leftward phonological context within the word-level and the rightward phonological context at the phrase level since in Getxo the trigger and target of palatalisation must come from the same word, yet the process only occurs if this sequence precedes a vowel-initial juncture: /in##V/, /il##V/. A previous solution involves stating palatalisation as a lexical rule and invoking a Duke-of-York Derivation to generate the masses of lexical exceptions attested largely in loanwords. This account misses a crucial generalisation, which is that, loanwords or not, there are no lexical exceptions across morphemes. We capture this generalisation and resolve the ordering paradox by relating palatalisation to the positional distribution of place features general in the language. This analysis involves positional underspecificaiton of nasals/laterals and a coronal default place of articulation. Underspecified nasals and laterals need place when they “become onsets” across word-boundaries, including through palatal spreading. In the reanalysis there are no “lexical exceptions” since these are underlyingly specified for place; neither is there need for word-level versus post-lexical phonology.

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Representation-based models in the current landscape of phonological theory

Cited by 3 publications

References 52 publications

Usage-Based Approaches to Bilingual Phonetics and Phonology

Usage-Based Approaches to Bilingual Phonetics and Phonology

Italian preconsonantal s-voicing is not regressive voice assimilation

Cross-morphemic palatalisation in Getxo Basque: empty positions, bipositionality and place licensing

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