“…As noted earlier, the relevance of reputational concerns has been demonstrated in driving a variety of regulatory behaviors, including the supply of regulatory outputs (Maor and Sulitzeanu‐Kenan ), the duration of drug approval (Carpenter ) or of enforcement decisions (Maor and Sulitzeanu‐Kenan ), enforcement practices (Etienne ), regulatory risk assessment practices (Rimkutė ), turf management and regulatory cooperation (Maor ; Moynihan ), strategic use of communications (Gilad, Maor, and Bloom ; Maor, Gilad, and Bloom ), bureaucratic demand for public participation (Moffitt , ), and accountability and political control (Busuioc and Lodge , ). Moreover, the value of the reputational perspective has been demonstrated not only in the regulation context but also with respect to public sector organizations in a variety of forms and contexts, including health care (Wæraas and Sataøen ), higher education (Christensen and Gornitzka ; Christensen, Gornitzka, and Ramirez ), social security (Christensen and Lodge ), police and border management (Busuioc ; Christensen and Lægreid ), and different levels of government—from municipal organizations (Lockert et al ; Wæraas ) to ministries and/or national‐level departments (Lee and Van Ryzin ; Luoma‐Aho ). To an overwhelming degree, empirical studies in this tradition have tended to be either qualitative in‐depth case studies that try to reconstruct reputational processes (e.g., drawing on thick description, historical data, and/or interview data) or quantitative studies that focus on measuring specific reputational aspects (such as “reputational threats” and regulatory responses) rather than organizational reputation as such: “None of the current bureaucratic reputation scholars measure reputation per se, but rather reputational threats as manifested in the media” (Maor , 86).…”