Rescue by PF Deletion, Traces as (Non)interveners, and the <i>That</i>-Trace Effect

Bošković, Željko

doi:10.1162/ling_a_00027

Cited by 104 publications

(35 citation statements)

References 41 publications

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“…However, this raises the question of the nature of the relevant PFICs and to what extent PFICs are relevant in the syntax. Bošković (2011), elaborating on earlier work by Chomsky (1972), proposes that locality violations incurred in a derivation re sult in the marking (in the syntax) of the element that is responsible for block ing movement. He does this concretely by using the diacritic *.…”

Section: The Nature Of the Constraintsmentioning

confidence: 92%

“…However, this derivational view has been challenged by evi dence that (certain types of) constraint violation can be repaired by ellipsis oper ations (Merchant 1999(Merchant , 2001(Merchant , 2002(Merchant , 2004(Merchant , 2006(Merchant , 2008Lasnik 2001a;Fox and Lasnik 2003;Boeckx and Lasnik 2006;Bošković 2011) or by resumption (Boeckx 2001(Boeckx , 2003(Boeckx , 2008(Boeckx , 2012Aoun et al 2001;McCloskey 2002). This has led to the suggestion that repairable constraints are PF interface conditions barring traces from occurring in opaque domains at PF, and that they can be circumvented either if the trace is spelled out as a resumptive 34 , or if the trace is obliterated by ellipsis of some constituent containing the trace.…”

Section: The Nature Of the Constraintsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Deconstructing the Subject Condition in terms of cumulative constraint violation

Haegeman¹,

Jiménez-Fernández

Radford

2014

The Linguistic Review

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Chomsky (1973) attributes the island status of nominal subjects to the Subject Condition, a constraint specific to subjects. English and Spanish are inter esting languages for the comparative study of extraction from subjects, because subjects in English are predominantly preverbal, whereas in Spanish they can be either preverbal or postverbal. In this paper we argue that the islandhood of sub ject DPs in both English and Spanish is not categorical. The degradation associ ated with extraction from subjects must be attributed to the interplay of a range of more general constraints which are not specific to subjects. We argue that the interaction of these constraints has a cumulative effect whereby the more constraints that are violated, the higher the degree of degradation that results. We also argue that some speakers have a greater tolerance for constraint viola tions than others, which would account for widespread interspeaker judgment variability.

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Section: The Nature Of the Constraintsmentioning

confidence: 92%

Section: The Nature Of the Constraintsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Deconstructing the Subject Condition in terms of cumulative constraint violation

Haegeman¹,

Jiménez-Fernández

Radford

2014

The Linguistic Review

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“…In such examples, extraction from a relative clause within a complex NP appears to be salvaged through an ellipsis operation that includes the island from which wh-extraction has taken place. We refer the reader to the literature for discussion, especially to Bošković (2011) andAuthier (2011). (34) Assuming that the sluicing operation at work in (34a) and (35a) is wh-extraction of which one/lequel out of a sentential constituent (TP), followed by PF deletion (or lack of PF spell out) of that node, the relevant extraction of which one/lequel must have taken place from within the relative clause.…”

Section: Repair By Ellipsismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Based on work by Saito (2001Saito ( , 2007, among others, Bošković (2011) extends the repair by ellipsis account to violations caused by an intervener, that is, cases in which one constituent illicitly crosses over another. When a moved wh-element crosses over an intervener, leading to a potential intervention effect, the intervener is *-marked (i.e., the diacritic * is assigned to the constituent that has caused a locality violation).…”

Section: Rescue By Ellipsismentioning

confidence: 99%

“…We will not discuss the theoretical repercussions of Bošković"s system here and we refer the reader to Bošković (2011) for more details on the assignment of the diacritic * to interveners. What is crucial to the point at hand is that, as argued in Authier (2011), a Bošković-style repair by ellipsis, including the assumption that intervention is a PF phenomenon, will allow us to maintain the TPT account of French TPE (as well as the VPT account of English VPE).…”

Section: The-one Who Wantedmentioning

confidence: 99%

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French adverbial clauses, rescue by ellipsis and the truncation versus intervention debate

Authier

Haegeman

2015

Probus

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This paper investigates the restrictions on movement to the left periphery found in non-root environments such as French central adverbial clauses and argues that an analysis of main clause phenomena based on intervention/Relativized Minimality is to be preferred to one based on structural truncation. The empirical basis for this claim consists of an examination of some asymmetries between French infinitival TP ellipsis and infinitival TP Topicalization. Adopting Authier"s (2011) approach to TP ellipsis whereby the to-be-elided TP undergoes fronting in the computational component but fails to be spelled out at PF, we argue that these asymmetries follow from the fact that in French, while a spelled out fronted TP is an intervener for wh-movement in adverbial clauses, leading to a PF crash, the ellipsis of this fronted TP leads to a convergent derivation via Bošković"s (2011) mechanism of "rescue by PF deletion." This account entails that adverbial clauses involve wh-1 We gratefully acknowledge the comments and suggestions made by two anonymous Probus reviewers and Jairo Nunes on a previous draft of this article. We also wish to

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Island repair effects of the Left Branch Condition in Mandarin Chinese

Wei

2011

J East Asian Linguist

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This study employs the island repair effect on the Left Branch Condition (LBC) to illuminate the derivation of Mandarin sluicing. It utilizes three unique properties of Mandarin island repair related to the LBC involving (i) covert antecedents, (ii) contrastive modifiers, and (iii) multiple islands including LBC structures in order to examine two deletion-based analyses of sluicing in the literature. It is shown that these analyses fail to satisfactorily explain the properties discussed. To capture the facts, a pseudosluicing analysis is proposed which claims that sluiced clauses in Mandarin are simply composed of a subject pro, an (optional) copula shi 'be', and a wh-in-situ wh-remnant serving as a predicate. The strong redemptive ability of repairing LBC effects in Mandarin is attributed to the construal of pro instead of deletion. From a typological point of view, among East Asian languages, Mandarin sluices differ from Japanese and Korean sluices in that the pro of the former cannot be interpreted as a concealed cleft structure but instead functions as an implicit subject.(iii) multiple islands involving the LBC. The paper evaluates two deletion-based analyses, the Focus condition analysis (Merchant 2001) and the multi-movement and deletion analysis (Wang 2007), and demonstrates that these analyses cannot satisfactorily explain the three concerned discrepancies and other fundamental properties in Mandarin sluicing, such as syntactic parallelism under deletion and the distribution of the copula shi 'be'. To capture these properties and patterns, a pseudosluicing analysis of sluicing in Mandarin (Wei 2004) is proposed, which explains the redemptive effect of the LBC in Mandarin via the construal of pro rather than deletion. In this sense, Mandarin sluicing is similar to pseudosluicing in English, is a base-generated structure consisting in a simple clause [pro (shi) wh-remnant], and is different from English deletion-based canonical sluicing. Additionally, it is claimed that Mandarin sluices are not concealed cleft structures resulting from argument ellipsis, unlike Japanese and Korean sluices (Nishiyama et al. 1996;Saito 2004Saito , 2007 Takahashi 2008a, b). It is proposed that the pro in Mandarin sluices can be reinterpreted as an E-type pro (Evans 1980), which explains the generation of sloppy identity readings. Quite generally, the analysis makes use of two well-established properties of Mandarin Chinese to explain its sluicing construction: the pro-drop nature of Chinese and topic-comment predication, and the fact that no new ad hoc stipulations are required in the analysis.The organization of this paper is as follows. Section 2 compares island repair effects in LBC structures in English with Mandarin Chinese. Section 3 reviews two potential deletion-centered accounts of sluicing and argues that they are not appropriate for Chinese. Section 4 then proposes the pseudosluicing analysis. Section 5 discusses the origin of the strong island/LBC repair effect in Mandarin Chinese. Section 6 further clarifies the ...

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Rescue by PF Deletion, Traces as (Non)interveners, and the That-Trace Effect

Cited by 104 publications

References 41 publications

Deconstructing the Subject Condition in terms of cumulative constraint violation

Deconstructing the Subject Condition in terms of cumulative constraint violation

French adverbial clauses, rescue by ellipsis and the truncation versus intervention debate

Island repair effects of the Left Branch Condition in Mandarin Chinese

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