Resisting Marginalization: Black Women’s Political Ambition and Agency

Dowe, Pearl

doi:10.1017/s1049096520000554

Cited by 25 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…As a woman of color, Harris is subject to racial scrutiny (Dowe, 2020) and stereotypes (Rosette et al, 2016) that have not applied to past female candidates for United States executive office. Some work suggests that perceived communality may not strongly contribute to evaluations of agentic women who people identify as Black (Livingston et al, 2012) because stereotypes of Black women largely do not involve traits characteristic of communality (Rosette et al, 2016).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding Evaluations of Kamala Harris in 2020: Political Ideology Qualifies Perceived Communality Effects When Communal Cues Are Present

Liebenow

Boucher

Cassidy

2022

Psychology of Women Quarterly

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Women of color (vs. White women) are underrepresented in the United States government. Identifying factors that affect evaluations of these women is important to understand their underrepresentation. Deviating from communal expectations contributes to backlash against women. Being perceived as prioritizing communality thus appears key for women to receive support. Little work, however, has examined this relation in actual politicians and how perceiver political ideology may affect it. We examined how gendered trait inferences and political ideology affected evaluations of Kamala Harris, the first woman of color elected to the executive branch, before the 2020 election. People perceived Harris as more agentic than communal (Studies 1–2). Communal trait inferences and having a more liberal political ideology each positively related to evaluations of Harris. More liberal relative to more conservative perceivers had weaker positive communality effects when evaluating her expected success (Studies 1–2) and when a description conveyed Harris’s communality (vs. agency; Study 2). These findings highlight communality effects on evaluations of Harris and suggest a context under which she was likely more supported by co-partisans. Moreover, these studies identify potential sources of bias toward female candidates of color, illustrating a need for gendered trait inferences to be thoroughly considered in campaign strategies. Additional online materials for this article are available on PWQ’s website at http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/suppl/10.1177/03616843221104383 .

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Understanding Evaluations of Kamala Harris in 2020: Political Ideology Qualifies Perceived Communality Effects When Communal Cues Are Present

Liebenow

Boucher

Cassidy

2022

Psychology of Women Quarterly

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“…For instance, committees are formed to support a university-wide effort focused on anti-racism (Russell, 2019). These acts can trickle down to the educational leadership department level for them to engage and welcome equity among racial groups (Dowe, 2020; Najdowski et al, 2020). The collective mission guiding anti-racist missions and visions will be mirrored and supported with textbooks, discourses, and lectures.…”

Section: Principal Preparation Programs and Anti-racist Solidarity Ofmentioning

confidence: 99%

All We Need Is One Mic: A Call for Anti-racist Solidarity to Deconstruct Anti-Black Racism in Educational Leadership

Genao

Mercedes

2021

Journal of School Leadership

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In this article, we outline some of the vital measurements of racism and anti-blackness as a macro system in education. We contend that principal preparation programs have not explicitly prioritized anti-racist school leadership, while often resisting the possibilities of solidarity or one mic of knowledge to increase anti-racist dispositions. Considering the lexicon of whiteness as an assemblage, a racial discourse should be “supported by material practices and institutions,” that prepare educational leaders to examine anti-blackness curriculum that have been embedded as a standard method. We also posit that theoretical understanding of racism as global whiteness from a post-oppositional lens and decoloniality that will challenge the way racism is currently referenced in educational leadership scholarship. Moreover, current global and decolonial research gives way for a new vision of solidarity by humanizing scholarly resistance that cultivates a vision of community that regards differences of knowledge across groups and investigates racist policies and practices in educational leadership programs.

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“…When Black women decide to run, they face an uphill battle, compared with white women and men, in securing funds and are thus viewed as less electable than their male and white counterparts (Sanbonmatsu, 2015). Black women interested in running for office perceive that political parties are perceived as a hindrance rather than a help (Sanbonmatsu, 2015; Brown and Dowe, 2020; Dowe, 2020). Black women candidates often consider the Democratic Party, in particular, as fostering the persistent marginalization of their candidacies (Brown and Lemi, forthcoming).…”

Section: Black Women Campaigning For Officementioning

confidence: 99%

“…This may be due in large part to Black women's political ambition. Dowe (2020) finds that this group is more ambitious than white women likely because of Black women's political socialization, networks, and their raced-gendered identity. This high level of ambition may have prompted Black women to seek elected office outside of majority-minority districts (Perry, 2018), whereas a vast majority of Black elected officials represent districts with large Black populations (Scola, 2006; Troustine and Valdini, 2008).…”

Section: Black Women Campaigning For Officementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Others have also shown the effects of “racial gerrymandering” (Canon, 1999) and the difficulties associated with running outside of majority-minority districts (Lublin et al ., 2020). However, Black women inhabit an intersectional space: their access to nominations, their candidacies, their ability to raise money, and their chances with the electorate are influenced not only by their race but also their gender (Dowe, 2020). In that sense, Black women are often seen as doubly marginalized in society as well as in politics (King, 1988; Beal, 2008).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

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“Glass half full: cautious optimism and the future of Black women political elites in America”

Brown

Gershon

2020

J. Race Ethnicity Politics

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In this essay, we place Black women's electoral challenges and opportunities in context. We situate this year of “Black Women Candidates” as an anomaly, but one that has been a long in the making. We also point to the appeal of Black women lawmakers among voters to mirror Alberder Gillespie's claims in this epigraph. We note that Black women have long been the backbone of the Democratic Party and are willing to use their clout for their own political means. Furthermore, given the unique ways that Black women represent their constituents, an influx of Black women into governing bodies may have a substantial, lasting impact on policy-making. We conclude with insights from our own research and that of other scholars on Black women to demonstrate future avenues of scholarly research.

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Resisting Marginalization: Black Women’s Political Ambition and Agency

Cited by 25 publications

References 16 publications

Understanding Evaluations of Kamala Harris in 2020: Political Ideology Qualifies Perceived Communality Effects When Communal Cues Are Present

Understanding Evaluations of Kamala Harris in 2020: Political Ideology Qualifies Perceived Communality Effects When Communal Cues Are Present

All We Need Is One Mic: A Call for Anti-racist Solidarity to Deconstruct Anti-Black Racism in Educational Leadership

“Glass half full: cautious optimism and the future of Black women political elites in America”

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