2023
DOI: 10.1017/s1537592722003954
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Response to Corinna Jentzsch’s Review of Between Mao and Gandhi: The Social Roots of Civil Resistance

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“…That said, one relevant condition relates to the demographic characteristics of a movement compared with the overall county population. If a movement constituency represents an ethnic, religious, or racial minority in the country, nonviolent resistance may seem as risky as, and perhaps more futile than, violent resistance (Thurber 2021). Moreover, movements whose constituency is territorially concentrated-such as many secessionist movements-are more likely to turn from nonviolent to violent resistance in any given year (Cunningham et al 2020).…”
Section: Structural Explanationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…That said, one relevant condition relates to the demographic characteristics of a movement compared with the overall county population. If a movement constituency represents an ethnic, religious, or racial minority in the country, nonviolent resistance may seem as risky as, and perhaps more futile than, violent resistance (Thurber 2021). Moreover, movements whose constituency is territorially concentrated-such as many secessionist movements-are more likely to turn from nonviolent to violent resistance in any given year (Cunningham et al 2020).…”
Section: Structural Explanationsmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Yet, important questions remain regarding public attitudes toward postwar programmes and actors that are assumed to underpin ongoing mobilization. Existing scholarship on NR has focused more clearly on the role of ethnic or racial identity (Davenport et al, 2011;Thurber, 2021;Manekin & Mitts, 2022) or partisan identity (Hsiao & Radnitz, 2021) in explaining attitudes toward NR movements. However, fewer studies have explored the impact of partisan identity on the public's interpretation of specific nonviolent tactics.…”
Section: Sources Of Fragmentationmentioning
confidence: 99%