Responses to the COVID‐19 crisis in Ireland: From feminized to feminist

Abstract

In this study, we conceptualize feminist engagement with neo-liberalism, austerity, and crisis management and analyze potential to advance a feminist "recovery" political agenda. Feminist discursive analysis of crisis and a focus on narrative enables analysis of continuity and change in feminist responses to the pandemic and exposes the nature of opportunities and constraints for mobilization on gender equality. A case study of responses to the pandemic in Ireland and empirical data in areas of care, income support and domestic violence is presented to reflect on gendered analysis of austerity and feminist responses to same, on gendered effects of COVID-19 and feminist responses to pandemic crisis management. The case studies allow us to interrogate feminist's use of crisis to advance social transformation. We discuss whether and how feminist actors in Ireland built on learning from previous crises to generate opportunity to advance feminist demands, to break continuities by reframing old problems and to mobilize in relation to COVID-19. We find some continuity over time, but also greater awareness of connective tissues of multiple crises, making overall strategies of feminist actors and organizations less reactive, more innovative, inclusive and independent than the previous crisis with greater potential for social transformation.

Greening work–life balance: Connecting work, caring and the environment

“…Globally, while workers could stay at home in many developed countries, their demand for products was at the cost of workers at the other end of the global supply chain who did not experience the same government, social or employment support, and had no choice but to continue working in unsafe conditions in factories (Tejani & Fukuda-Parr, 2021). Although Cullen and Murphy (2021) point to a more transformational shift in feminism throughout the pandemic, connecting the benefits to our environment of our changed social patterns during the pandemic has not been fully considered in relation to care and care systems (Women's Budget Group, 2020). Applying the model of sustainable care systems, we can see immediately that organisational and economic outcomes are prioritised, often ahead of the needs of people providing care, and ahead of caring for the environment.…”

The subversive potential of witchcraft: A reflection on Federici's Self‐reproducing movements

“…Feminist resistance strategies (see related work by Cullen & Murphy, 2020;Jones et al, 2019;Vachhani & Pullen, 2019) also include women "taking care of their families and communities, and concentrating on these reproductive forms of labour infuses their lives with meaning, as they refuse to participate in neoliberal capitalism's cheapening of their labour" (Daskalaki et al, 2020, p. 15). In this context, Federici raises therefore an important question: "How do you struggle over/against reproductive work?"…”

“…In the context of these developments, it is crucial to think of unpaid care work in terms of its emancipatory potential (Federici, 2018), especially when this is rendered public and common (Kouki and Chatzidakis, 2020). Feminist resistance strategies (see related work by Cullen & Murphy, 2020; Jones et al., 2019; Vachhani & Pullen, 2019) also include women “taking care of their families and communities, and concentrating on these reproductive forms of labour infuses their lives with meaning, as they refuse to participate in neoliberal capitalism's cheapening of their labour” (Daskalaki et al., 2020, p. 15). In this context, Federici raises therefore an important question: “How do you struggle over/against reproductive work?” She explains that “we have to first immediately confront the question of how we struggle on this terrain without destroying the people you care for” (Federici, 2010, p. 24).…”

Arguments for a post-pandemic Public Employment Eco System in Ireland

“…Irish public and policy institutions have evolved in a relatively consensus-oriented democracy characterised by a unitary and centralised multi-party system, with a bicameral parliament and a prime minister with a moderate amount of influence. While Ireland appeared for a long time to be predisposed towards conservative and paternalistic policies (Kirby & Murphy, 2011), there has been a significant advancement of progressive bio-politics (divorce, marriage equality, abortion), but less progression on social economic rights (Cullen & Murphy, 2020). Social partnership, an Irish form of voluntary corporatism, was a feature of Irish politics from 1986 to 2008 and has since been replaced by a relatively weak process of social dialogue; however, a consensus-oriented culture remains.…”