Restoration of the Don Valley Brick Works: Whose Restoration? Whose Space?

Foster, Jennifer

doi:10.1080/13574800500297702

Cited by 15 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…One such management goal is the creation of new parks using IGS where size and characteristics are suitable. These results are in line with earlier research that found Japanese respondents are overall hesitant to embrace the concept of urban wilderness, a concept that has figured prominently in work on IGS from Europe, North America and Australia [27,28,[39][40][41][42][43][44][45][46][47][48][49][50]. Yet this does not imply that residents do not perceive the value of IGS as a different kind of urban green space.…”

Section: Preferred Management Goalssupporting

confidence: 81%

Informal Urban Green Space: Residents’ Perception, Use, and Management Preferences across Four Major Japanese Shrinking Cities

Rupprecht

2017

Land

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Urban residents' health depends on green infrastructure to cope with climate change. Shrinking cities could utilize vacant land to provide more green space, but declining tax revenues preclude new park development-a situation pronounced in Japan, where some cities are projected to shrink by over ten percent, but lack green space. Could informal urban green spaces (IGS; vacant lots, street verges, brownfields etc.) supplement parks in shrinking cities? This study analyzes residents' perception, use, and management preferences (management goals, approaches to participatory management, willingness to participate) for IGS using a large, representative online survey (n = 1000) across four major shrinking Japanese cities: Sapporo, Nagano, Kyoto and Kitakyushu. Results show that residents saw IGS as a common element of the urban landscape and their daily lives, but their evaluation was mixed. Recreation and urban agriculture were preferred to redevelopment and non-management. For participative management, residents saw a need for the city administration to mediate usage and liability, and expected an improved appearance, but emphasized the need for financial and non-financial support. A small but significant minority (~10%) were willing to participate in management activities. On this basis, eight principles for participatory informal green space planning are proposed.

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Section: Preferred Management Goalssupporting

confidence: 81%

Informal Urban Green Space: Residents’ Perception, Use, and Management Preferences across Four Major Japanese Shrinking Cities

Rupprecht

2017

Land

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“…The Don River and its connection to what is now Lake Ontario greatly contributed to the urbanization of Toronto, as did the natural resources within its floodplain (Keil and Desfor, 2003;Foster, 2005). This industrialization and urbanization meant changes for the River; the natural course of the lower Don River was altered and generally straightened in order to reduce spring flooding (Donald, 1997;Desfor and Keil, 2000;City of Toronto, 2007a).…”

Section: Don River Valley and The West Don Lands-past And Presentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…And while redevelopment of brownfield sites has traditionally been economically focused, a more recent shift to balance the economic and ecological benefits of redevelopment is beginning to show (De Sousa, 2003). Redevelopments along the Don River such as the Don Valley Brick Works wetland project have begun to provide additional green space for Toronto's residents, even if the ecological benefits are debatable (Foster, 2005). Such improvements are going to be essential, given the current focus on making Toronto North America's leading "green" city (Gorrie, 2007;City of Toronto, 2007b).…”

Section: Don River Valley and The West Don Lands-past And Presentmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Foster's (2005) critique of the Don Valley Brick Works focuses on the site's location adjacent to some of Toronto's most wealthy neighbourhoods, as well as the inaccessibility of the site for those not residing in these neighbourhoods in order to suggest that the redevelopment is exclusionary in nature. And while the Don Valley Brick Works does lend itself to such debates, the same factors of location and accessibility have an inverse relationship to the West Don Lands redevelopment.…”

Section: Addressing the Criticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Constructing connections: urban forestry and Toronto’s West Don Lands revitalization

Nichols

2009

eue

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Montréal. Il a pour mission la promotion et la valorisation de la recherche. Érudit offre des services d'édition numérique de documents scientifiques depuis 1998.Pour communiquer avec les responsables d'Érudit : info@erudit.org RÉSUMÉ Les West Don Lands ont joué un rôle de premier plan dans l'histoire de Toronto. Du milieu du dix-neuvième siècle jusqu'au milieu du vingtième siècle cette zone est connue comme centre industriel. Aujourd'hui, force est de constater que le quartier subit les conséquences négatives de la désindustrialisation. Des travaux sont en cours pour revitalisation les West Don Lands et freiner la dégradation de ce milieu. L'étude se penche sur les initiatives proposées par la Société de revitalisation du secteur riverain de Toronto dans son plan de réaménagement, en mettant l'accent sur le rôle de la foresterie urbaine dans la création de liens physiques et sociaux. MOTS-CLES Foresterie urbaine, développement durable, West Don Lands, revitalisation, liens ABSTRACTThe West Don Lands played an important role in Toronto's history, primarily as an industrial centre from the mid-19th century to the mid-20th century. Therefore, the negative impacts of de-industrialization on the precinct can hardly be considered surprising. However, efforts are being made to revitalize the West Don Lands and redress the decay experienced by the precinct. This paper examines these efforts, detailed in the Waterfront Toronto's Precinct and Block Plans, with particular focus being placed on the role that urban forestry can play on the creation of physical and social linkages.

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“…Community gardens are perceived as a way to restore contact with nature, to know the origin of the products we eat and to improve the quality of food and food safety [47][48][49]. Community gardens occupy diverse types of vacant lands: former civil and military areas (e.g., the Allmende Kontor garden in the former Tempelhofer airport in Berlin), as well as dumpsites (e.g., the soilless structures at Prinzessinengarten in Kreuzberg, Berlin); abandoned industrial districts (e.g., the Ford City Community Garden, Ontario or the Toronto's Don Valley Brick Works) [50]; any irregular space accessible to citizens (as properly expressed by the guerrilla gardening movement) [51,52]; or concrete car parks (e.g., the Pop Up Patch, in Melbourne, Australia). Finally, urban horticulture grown in casual or creative spaces is a strong response to the isolation of entire neighbourhoods in post-industrial areas and the concurrent marginalization of its residents.…”

Section: Bringing Horticulture Into 21st Century Citiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Towards Regenerated and Productive Vacant Areas through Urban Horticulture: Lessons from Bologna, Italy

et al. 2016

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Abstract:In recent years, urban agriculture has been asserting its relevance as part of a vibrant and diverse food system due to its small scale, its focus on nutrition, its contribution to food security, its employment opportunities, and its role in community building and social mobility. Urban agriculture may also be a tool to re-appropriate a range of abandoned or unused irregular spaces within the city, including flowerbeds, roundabouts, terraces, balconies and rooftops. Consistently, all spaces that present a lack of identity may be converted to urban agriculture areas and, more specifically, to urban horticulture as a way to strengthen resilience and sustainability. The goal of this paper is to analyse current practices in the requalification of vacant areas as urban gardens with the aim of building communities and improving landscapes and life quality. To do so, the city of Bologna (Italy) was used as a case study. Four types of vacant areas were identified as places for implementing urban gardens: flowerbeds along streets and squares, balconies and rooftops, abandoned buildings and abandoned neighbourhoods. Six case studies representing this variety of vacant areas were identified and evaluated by collecting primary data (i.e., field work, participant observations and interviews) and performing a SWOT analysis. For most cases, urban horticulture improved the image and quality of the areas as well as bringing numerous social benefits in terms of life quality, food access and social interaction among participants. Strong differences in some aspects were found between top-down and bottom-up initiatives, being the later preferable for the engagement of citizens. Policy-making might focus on participatory and transparent planning, long-term actions, food safety and economic development.

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Restoration of the Don Valley Brick Works: Whose Restoration? Whose Space?

Cited by 15 publications

References 18 publications

Informal Urban Green Space: Residents’ Perception, Use, and Management Preferences across Four Major Japanese Shrinking Cities

Informal Urban Green Space: Residents’ Perception, Use, and Management Preferences across Four Major Japanese Shrinking Cities

Constructing connections: urban forestry and Toronto’s West Don Lands revitalization

Towards Regenerated and Productive Vacant Areas through Urban Horticulture: Lessons from Bologna, Italy

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