Resumption, Successive Cyclicity, and the Locality of Operations

McCloskey, James

doi:10.1002/9780470755662.ch9

Cited by 240 publications

(126 citation statements)

References 30 publications

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“…Many languages display clear manifestations of such intermediate steps in object movement, ranging from morphosyntactic manifestations (e.g., wh-agreement with the moved object in Austronesian; Chung, 1998, and complementizer agreement in Celtic;McCloskey, 2002), to interpretive properties (''reconstruction sites" in the positions of intermediate traces; Legate, 2003), and to the fact that in some languages intermediate traces are even pronounced in some positions (languages with overt wh-copies ;Felser, 2004).…”

Section: Agreement In Linguistic Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Object interference in subject–verb agreement: The role of intermediate traces of movement

Franck

Soare

Frauenfelder

et al. 2010

Journal of Memory and Language

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a b s t r a c tThe research presented here uses theoretical constructs of formal syntax to account for performance data in agreement production. The phenomenon examined is object interference in French, i.e., incorrect agreement of the verb with the object. In the first experiment, interference is shown to occur in object relative clauses despite the absence of any surface intervention on the subject-verb relation (e.g., * John parle aux patientes que le medicament guérissent; * John speaks to the patients-P that the medicine-S cure-P). Critically, no interference is found in complement clauses, superficially identical to the relatives (e.g., John dit aux patientes que le medicament guérit; John tells the patients-P that the medicine-S cures-S). Experiments 1-4 tease apart the role, in interference, of three properties that distinguish relative clauses from complement clauses: argumenthood, participle agreement and movement. Results suggest that interference is caused by object movement, and more particularly by the intervention, on agreement, of the intermediate trace of the moved object postulated in theoretical syntax to account for independent phenomena.

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Section: Agreement In Linguistic Theorymentioning

confidence: 99%

Object interference in subject–verb agreement: The role of intermediate traces of movement

Franck

Soare

Frauenfelder

et al. 2010

Journal of Memory and Language

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“…Depending on the language, resumptive pronouns in complementizer relatives can show or not show reconstruction effects and can be island sensitive or not, the two dimensions apparently being independent from one another. For example, reconstruction effects are present in Hebrew and Irish resumptive relatives but the resumptive pronoun is insensitive to islands 17 (Shlonsky, 1992;McCloskey, 1990McCloskey, , 2002. Just the opposite seems true for Scottish Gaelic (Adger and Ramchand, 2005;Boeckx, 2003:111), Greek (Alexopoulou, 2006), and Romanian (Dobrovie-Sorin, 1990) in that these languages exhibit no reconstruction effects under resumption but the resumptive pronoun is island sensitive.…”

Section: Reconstruction and Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 95%

“…Island effects on the other hand do not necessarily imply a raising derivation; they may also be found under matching. In other words, what I propose basically is that the matching derivation comes in two varieties: one which involves movement internal to the relative clause and another one which involves merging of an empty Operator, as in standard (base-generation) approaches to resumption not showing locality effects (McCloskey, 1990(McCloskey, , 2002Shlonsky, 1992;Suñer, 1998;Rouveret, 2002, a.o.). In fact, Aoun and Li (2003) try to capture this tripartite distinction as observed in English, Lebanese Arabic and Chinese, by proposing that UG makes the following strategies available for the derivation of relative constructions: (a) Head raising (promotion analysis); (b) wh-operator movement (matching analysis); and (c) direct base-generation (no-movement analysis).…”

Section: Reconstruction and Resumptionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Bulgarian relative and factive clauses with an invariant complementizer

Krapova¹

2010

Lingua

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The paper offers an analysis of Bulgarian relative clauses introduced by the invariant complementizer deto 'that', whose distribution also extends to factive contexts. Using reconstruction as primary evidence for movement, I review the basic facts for its presence (amount readings, idiom interpretation, binding and scope) and absence (Principle C) and argue that both a raising and a matching analysis must be available for the derivation of deto-relatives. I also discuss the distribution and structural properties of resumptive clitics which are shown to block reconstruction in all types of contexts and hence to be compatible with a matching derivation only. Given the structural ambiguity in the derivation of Bulgarian complementizer relatives and in search of a unified treatment of their potentially ambivalent behavior, the paper applies Cinque's (2003 analysis of relative clauses, which postulates two identical copies of the relativized Head (internal and external) and exploits different movement options to account for the raising and the matching derivations. It is then argued that such a proposal, which also exploits distinct CP positions, can successfully accommodate all of the observed reconstruction effects (or lack thereof), including the option of resumption. The paper also offers a discussion of factive clauses introduced by the same complementizer and proposes that they are best treated as hidden relatives embedded under a more complex structure involving a PP projection and a silent D head. #

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“…This is shown by familiar effects from word order (e.g., the famous inversion under question for-mation in Spanish (Torrego (1983;1984), Uribe-Etxebarria (1992)) and morphology (e.g. the alternation in the shape of the complementizer in Irish (McCloskey (1979;1990a;2002), Noonan (1997)), shown in (4)). Reconstruction effects to places along the path -like the reconstruction effects for binding theory to intermediate landing sites, sometimes called pit-stop reflexives, as discussed in Barss (1986), show yet another type of interaction between path and moving item.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

A note on the punctuated nature of movement paths

Abels¹,

Bentzen²

2009

catjl

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This paper addresses the question of how a moving item affects the nodes that lie along the path of movement. In particular, we are concerned with the question whether all nodes along the path of movement are affected in the same way or not. We first observe that most arguments that have been given to support the existence of intermediate reconstruction sites do not bear on this issue. We then discuss the logic of what a true argument would look like. Finally, we present three case studies. Two of them (A-reconstruction in Norwegian and VP-ellipsis in Dutch) provide prima facie arguments in favor of a position along the lines of Chomsky (1973, 1986, 2000), where some but not all nodes along the path of movement are affected by movement.

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Resumption, Successive Cyclicity, and the Locality of Operations

Cited by 240 publications

References 30 publications

Object interference in subject–verb agreement: The role of intermediate traces of movement

Object interference in subject–verb agreement: The role of intermediate traces of movement

Bulgarian relative and factive clauses with an invariant complementizer

A note on the punctuated nature of movement paths

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