Rethinking Islamic Hegemony in Turkey through Gezi Park

Moudouros, Nikos

doi:10.1080/19448953.2014.910394

Cited by 30 publications

(13 citation statements)

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“…Furthermore, Erdoğan presents an eclectically constructed pragmatist ideology which simultaneously refers to Islamism, nationalism and conservatism and he puts an emphasis on the priority of majoritarianism – through his fetish term national will – over pluralism. As Moudouros (2014: 184) has underlined:this central problem of selective democracy within the AKP’s ideological way of functioning restrains democracy itself within a majoritarian framework whereby the winner at the ballot box also becomes the body through which the ‘universal’ or ‘national’ good is expressed. 26 …”

Section: Populism and Erdoğan’s Style Of Leadershipmentioning

confidence: 99%

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‘Populism as a medium of mass mobilization’: The case of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

Türk

2018

International Area Studies Review

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It goes without saying that Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdoğan has put his mark on the last 14 years of Turkish politics. The main argument of this study is that the case of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan provides an illustrative example to make sense of populism as a medium of mass mobilization. Furthermore, it is argued that Erdoğan’s leadership can be best understood by taking into account how he manages political crises. Accordingly, through the examples of 2007, 2013 and 2016, which mark critical periods in Turkish politics, the article attempts to highlight the major characteristics of Erdoğan’s populist leadership.

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Section: Populism and Erdoğan’s Style Of Leadershipmentioning

confidence: 99%

“… 4. For a review of the local elections in 2014 with a particular reference to the Gezi Park protests and graft probe, see Çarkoğlu (2014). For the Gezi Park protests see also Moudouros (2014) and Onbaşi (2016). …”

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confidence: 99%

‘Populism as a medium of mass mobilization’: The case of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

Türk

2018

International Area Studies Review

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“…Rather than an exercise of freedom of expression, Prime Minister Erdoğan perceived these demonstrations as a coup attempt and authorized a heavy-handed police response. 39 In turn, the police response changed the scale and the scope of the campaign as demonstrators began to call for Mr. Erdoğan's resignation. 40 The Gezi campaign was exceptional in that its participants came from broad segments of the society -much broader than any previous protests in Turkey.…”

Section: The Dynamics Of Escalation and De-escalation During Gezi Promentioning

confidence: 99%

“…46 Moreover, for critics of AKP, the remodeling of Gezi Park was unacceptable because it symbolized AKP imprinting its political Islamic ideology on Taksim Square, which had been a symbol of cosmopolitanism and the leftist ideology for several decades. 47 I use original data collected from Cumhuriyet, 48 International Conflict Data Project. 49 The data were aggregated in daily intervals to capture the rapidly evolving dynamics of the campaign.…”

Section: The Dynamics Of Escalation and De-escalation During Gezi Promentioning

confidence: 99%

The Gezi Park Protests and the Escalation and De-Escalation of Political Contention

Demirel-Pegg

2018

Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies

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This study argues that escalation and de-escalation processes lie at the heart of protest campaigns. These processes are largely determined by the interactions between protesters and governments, as well as the timing and types of strategies and tactics employed. The study examines the dynamics between the Turkish government and the protesters during the 2013 Gezi Protest Campaign. This campaign escalated quickly by generating massive support from different segments of the Turkish society in its earlier days, and then de-escalated and eventually demobilized without securing major concessions. By using original data collected from a Turkish newspaper, Cumhuriyet, the study illustrates how the trajectory of the Gezi campaign changed in response to the interactive dynamics between the government and the dissidents.

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“…Özyürek 2006, 2007 and the recent, heritage-themed double issue of the European Journal of Turkish Studies of 2015), to an expanding interdisciplinary literature on the Gezi Protests (e.g. Moudouros 2014;Örs 2014;Ozkirimli 2014;Gürcan and Peker 2015;White 2014;Haciyakupoglu and Zhang 2015;Koç and Aksu 2015), and to literature on the unusually profound significance of place belongings in Turkish imaginaries, daily lives and social relations (e.g. Mills 2010 andSecor 2004).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%