2019
DOI: 10.1007/s11158-019-09437-0
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Revolution Against Non-violent Oppression

Abstract: Oppressive governments that use violence against citizens, e.g. murder and torture, are usually thought of as liable to armed revolutionary attack by the oppressed population. But oppression may be non-violent. A government may greatly restrict political rights and personal autonomy by using surveillance, propaganda, manipulation, strategic detention and similar techniques without ever resorting to overt violence. Can such regimes be liable to revolutionary attack? A widespread view is that the answer is 'no'.… Show more

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Cited by 5 publications
(2 citation statements)
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“…Moreover, this motivation for reconceptualization is rendered unnecessary in light of recent work that seeks to justify uncivil disobedience without expanding the conception of civil disobedience (Delmas 2018;Lai 2019;Lim 2021). For instance, philosophers have defended the justifiability of radical and uncivil acts such as doxing (also known as doxxing) (Barry 2021;Barry 2022), vandalism (Lai 2020;Lim 2020a;Lim 2020b), rioting (Pasternak 2019), attacking public officials (Brennan 2018), and even revolution (Kapelner 2019).…”
Section: Expanding Civil Disobediencementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Moreover, this motivation for reconceptualization is rendered unnecessary in light of recent work that seeks to justify uncivil disobedience without expanding the conception of civil disobedience (Delmas 2018;Lai 2019;Lim 2021). For instance, philosophers have defended the justifiability of radical and uncivil acts such as doxing (also known as doxxing) (Barry 2021;Barry 2022), vandalism (Lai 2020;Lim 2020a;Lim 2020b), rioting (Pasternak 2019), attacking public officials (Brennan 2018), and even revolution (Kapelner 2019).…”
Section: Expanding Civil Disobediencementioning
confidence: 99%
“…In previous accounts that I discussed above, a legitimacy deficit in global politics can only be attributed to: i) formal national or international political institutions, and/or ii) other powerful actors such as MNCs. Depending on one's first‐order normative commitments, a sufficiently large legitimacy deficit, combined with other relevant normative factors, will make certain courses of action justifiable, e.g., revolution, disruptive protest activities, and/or boycotting illegitimate political procedures (Kapelner, 2019). However, the normative status of these activities that we associate with legitimacy deficits will be determined by whether there are responsible actors who intentionally exercise political power over subjects in normatively (un)acceptable ways.…”
Section: Structural Power and Global Political Legitimacymentioning
confidence: 99%