2011
DOI: 10.5129/001041511793931843
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Reworking Strategic Models of Executive-Judicial Relations: Insights from New African Democracies

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Cited by 29 publications
(24 citation statements)
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“…At the implementation stage, judicial power is the ability to induce compliance by political elites and the public (Hall 2010; Staton 2010). Judicial power is important because: (1) courts lack formal mechanisms to enforce their rulings and are reliant on political elites and the public for the full realization of their power and (2) courts, particularly those in emerging democracies with histories of executive dominance, are vulnerable to varieties of political constraint (e.g., Clark 2011; Helmke 2012; Rosenberg 1992; Staton 2010; Vanberg 2005; VonDoepp 2009; VonDoepp and Ellett 2011; Widner and Scher 2008).…”
Section: Judicial Power: Conceptualizationmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…At the implementation stage, judicial power is the ability to induce compliance by political elites and the public (Hall 2010; Staton 2010). Judicial power is important because: (1) courts lack formal mechanisms to enforce their rulings and are reliant on political elites and the public for the full realization of their power and (2) courts, particularly those in emerging democracies with histories of executive dominance, are vulnerable to varieties of political constraint (e.g., Clark 2011; Helmke 2012; Rosenberg 1992; Staton 2010; Vanberg 2005; VonDoepp 2009; VonDoepp and Ellett 2011; Widner and Scher 2008).…”
Section: Judicial Power: Conceptualizationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…These tools can range from influence to outright domination depending on context. For example, executives have used appointment and removal as a vehicle of political control over judiciaries (Ellett 2013; Gloppen 2003; VonDoepp and Ellett 2011). Politicians may also threaten or lodge attacks on judicial power (“court-curbing”), which can constrain judicial decision making (e.g., Clark 2011; Helmke 2012; Rosenberg 1992; Staton 2010; Vanberg 2005; VonDoepp 2009; VonDoepp and Ellett 2011).…”
Section: Theoretical Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…While Widner (2001) attributes the rise of judicial independence since the end of colonialism to the role of judges within the judiciary fighting for the independence of courts, Prempeh (2017) offers cautious optimism that the judicial constitutional revival in Africa has been curtailed by imperial presidencies that are too strong to be checked by weak legislatures. VonDoepp (2006) and VonDoepp and Ellet (2011) examine factors that might affect judicial assertiveness suggesting that the security of tenure by the incumbent, extent of power concentration in one actor, and the level of interest in a given case by political actors will determine whether judges will choose to be assertive or exercise strategic self-restraint. In analysis of Uganda, Tanzania and Malawi, Ellet (2013) finds that judicial independence was higher in countries that had a robust civil society, a strong independent media, and a strong law society.…”
Section: Theory: Judicial Systems and Electoral Violencementioning
confidence: 99%
“…The second reason relates to uncertainty, which is critical to strategic electoral explanations because it affects the probability of and risks associated with losing office (VonDoepp & Ellet ). Electorally competitive non‐democracies are polities that, due to the nature of public support for parties and lack of trust, exhibit higher levels of uncertainty than consolidated democracies (Popova ).…”
Section: Competition Independence and Non‐democracymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Although considered the dominant explanation for variation in de facto independence in democracies (VonDoepp & Ellet ), the role of electoral competition is marginal in research on courts in non‐democracies (Popova ). Most commonly, those studying judiciaries in non‐democracies assume competition plays no role in explaining levels of behavioural independence, even if it thought relevant in explaining whether constitutions formally grant review powers to the judiciary (Ginsburg & Versteeg 2013) .…”
Section: Competition Independence and Non‐democracymentioning
confidence: 99%