Rhetorical studies escapes modernist psychology: Samuel Becker as subversive

Gronbeck, Bruce E.

doi:10.1080/10510979909388472

Cited by 2 publications

(3 citation statements)

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“…Couldn't possibly be seeing what I was seeing. 1 Along these lines, witnesses make reference to movie stars, stating that they half expected to see a hero figure like those played by Arnold Schwarzenegger to enter onto the scene. As someone stated succinctly, "The whole time I was watching the event unfold, I kept thinking Bruce Willis was going to run up the street and save the day..." 2…”

Section: 'Like a Movie'mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…They were gone-those two cheeky towers which had stuck out like giant thumbs over the Manhattan skyline. 1 Themselves enormous and magnificent, the hugeness of the towers normally overwhelmed the Manhattan skyline. Their disappearance is at odds with the very meaning of New York City to many.…”

Section: 'Magnitude'mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Bruce Gronbeck outlines much of the shift toward this critical approach through a review of the work of Samuel Becker and others who in the late 1960's and early 1970's sought to complicate the SMCR (source-message-channel-receiver) model in order to study audience receptions, texts, and contexts. 1 Gronbeck shows how Becker, among many insights and perspectives, argued for understanding sets of messages in contextual structures of communication beyond what a single rhetor did with a single message to influence a single audience. This historical shift in approach, according to Barbara Biesecker's reading of Becker, turned on a move toward recognizing 1) a negotiation of meaning between a rhetor and an audience, 2) that many things count as a text, even context, and 3) an expanded scope to read a diffusion of texts over space and time.…”

Section: Conclusion Limitations Of the Rhetorical Situation By Disrupmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Rhetorical Encounters with the Exigence of 9/11

Poulakos¹

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President. 12 The discourse he used to define the events of September 11 th , his new role, and the purpose of the nation, came under much scrutiny. Rhetorical critics, accordingly, have combed through Bush's proclamations about how 9/11 impacted us and changed America as a nation. They provide insight into the varied ways Bush used his pulpit to define the attacks, to outline the landscape of the present conflict, and to position the audience for tasks to come. I will explore some of their arguments and findings. But it is in encountering some of this work, much of which I find productive, that I deviate to investigate something mentioned, but less frequently, in critics' conversations about post 9/11 rhetoric. Whereas several scholars have honed in on President Bush's addresses to the nation as a very successful set of appeals, strategies, and identifications, I ask about the audience's own discursive engagement with the exigence of the 9/11 attacks. This dissertation enters into a conversation with current critics who have written about 9/11 as a thoroughly rhetorical production. I do not argue against the validity or significance of their findings. Rhetorical critics are correct to zero in on Bush's rhetoric as important and impactful. As John Murphy notes of his study, "I believe that President Bush has done a remarkable job of defining the attacks of September 11 to his advantage and that his rhetoric is a key factor in his success." 13 How Bush did this, according to Murphy, though, is curious to me. Bush was successful in that his rhetoric was able "to dominate public interpretation of the events 12 Some argue that Bush's post 9/11 speeches legitimated his jocular, anti-intellectual, and unimpressive style. See D. T. Max, "The Making of the Speech: The 2,988 Words That Changed a Presidency: An Etymology,"

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Section: 'Like a Movie'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: 'Magnitude'mentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Conclusion Limitations Of the Rhetorical Situation By Disrupmentioning

confidence: 99%

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