Right-wing opposition to the mainstream radical right: the cases of Hungary and Poland

Goldstein, Ariel Alejandro

doi:10.1080/25739638.2021.1957483

Cited by 8 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 25 publications

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“…While Fidesz represents a straightforward EU‐critical position championing the idea of “Europe of nations” opposing further integration, but not supporting explicitly the idea of leaving the EU, a more extreme Eurosceptic position has been represented by far‐right forces in Hungary. Strong Eurosceptic parties in Hungary were MIÉP in the 2000s (as a lone opponent of Hungary's enter to the EU, Batory, 2002, Neumayer, 2008), Jobbik in the 2010s (later leaving its Eurosceptic stance while moving to the center‐right, Arató, 2020; Ágh, 2021) and the Our Homeland Movement (“Mi Hazánk Mozgalom”) since 2018 (Goldstein, 2021). In stark contrast to Fidesz's EU‐critical and far‐right parties strong Eurosceptic position, the centrist and left‐wing opposition have consistently taken a pro‐EU stance.…”

Section: The Roots Of Euroscepticism: Theoretical Framework and Hypot...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The roots of Euroscepticism: Affective, behavioural and cognitive anti‐EU attitudes in Hungary

Bíró‐Nagy,

Szászi

2024

Sociology Compass

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This paper has put forward a new indicator based on the “ABC‐model” of attitudes designed to capture individual‐level Euroscepticism. We constructed a composite anti‐EU score based on affective, behavioural and cognitive sub‐indices. The study analyses data from a representative, countrywide Hungarian public opinion research. Looking for the drivers of anti‐EU attitudes, we took an integrative approach linking various theories of voting behaviour, Euroscepticism and populism studies. Our research showed that subjective well‐being significantly reduces anti‐EU attitudes. We found some empirical support for the “left behind thesis” in the Hungarian context, as severe economic grievances and fear of losing social status explained anti‐EU attitudes. Authoritarian traits turned out to be a major driver of Euroscepticism in Hungary. We proved that cosmopolitan values reduce affective and cognitive anti‐EU attitudes, but foreign experience and some international ties significantly correlated with anti‐EU stance. We confirmed that being a supporter of the governing Fidesz party and sharing culturally right‐wing political views significantly increase anti‐EU attitudes. We also revealed that partisanship's effect is strengthened by affective polarization and political interest.

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Section: The Roots Of Euroscepticism: Theoretical Framework and Hypot...mentioning

confidence: 99%

The roots of Euroscepticism: Affective, behavioural and cognitive anti‐EU attitudes in Hungary

Bíró‐Nagy,

Szászi

2024

Sociology Compass

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“…As some of those extra-parliamentary opposition parties enjoy sizeable electoral support and/or other resources, this development has fuelled new research with a focus on the impact that extra-parliamentary opposition parties have on other parties in parliament or the government (see e.g. Franzmann 2019; Goldstein 2021). Research by Ko Maeda on 18 parliamentary democracies suggests that the levels of opposition fragmentation in parliament, and opposition parties' approaches to cooperation with other opposition parties, are to a considerable extent shaped by the rules of procedure in place.…”

Section: Party-based Political Opposition In Representative Democraciesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Political Oppositions in Democratic and Authoritarian Regimes: A State-of-the-Field(s) Review

Helms

2022

Gov. & oppos.

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Political opposition has long been one of the most dramatically understudied elements of real-world politics in contemporary democratic and authoritarian regimes. The past decade or so has, however, witnessed an upsurge of new opposition research that begs for a major state-of-the-field review. Interestingly, recent scholarship has focused more on manifestations of opposition in authoritarian and hybrid than in democratic systems, which indicates a latent reconceptualization of political opposition (setting aside older distinctions between regime-loyal opposition and regime-challenging forms of resistance, dissidence and contestation). With a focus on party-based forms of opposition, which have been widely considered to mark the most effective form of opposition, this review article takes stock and highlights key issues for future research as well as some inherent obstacles to the emergence of a more integrated field of cross-regime opposition studies.

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“…The united opposition includes an ideologically extremely diverse set of parties. For instance, the far-right party Jobbik, which on several issues positions itself as even further to the right than Fidesz (Goldstein, 2021), is united with parties that position themselves as left-wing [Hungarian socialist party (MSZP), democratic coalition (DK), dialogue for Hungary (PM)]. Also part of the mix is a young, liberal party (Momentum), and a Hungary's green party (LMP).…”

Section: Fake News In Hungarymentioning

confidence: 99%

Social Psychological Predictors of Belief in Fake News in the Run-Up to the 2019 Hungarian Elections: The Importance of Conspiracy Mentality Supports the Notion of Ideological Symmetry in Fake News Belief

2021

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Accessing information online is now easier than ever. However, also false information is circulated in increasing quantities. We sought to identify social psychological factors that could explain why some people are more susceptible to false information. Specifically, we investigated whether psychological predispositions (social dominance orientation, right-wing authoritarianism, system justification beliefs (SJB), openness, need for closure, conspiracy mentality), competencies (scientific and political knowledge, interest in politics) or motivated reasoning based on social identity (political orientation) could help explain who believes fake news. Hungarian participants (N = 295) judged political (anti- and pro-government) and non-political news. The Hungarian context—characterized by low trust in media, populist communication by the government and increasing polarization—should be fertile ground for the proliferation of fake news. The context in making this case particularly interesting is that the major political fault line in Hungary runs between pro- and anti-government supporter groups and not, for instance, between conservative and liberal ideology or partisanship. We found clear support for the motivational reasoning explanation as political orientation consistently predicted belief in both fake and real political news when their contents aligned with one’s political identity. The belief in pro-government news was also associated with higher SJB among pro-government supporters. Those interested in politics showed better capacity to distinguish real political news from the fake ones. Most importantly, the only psychological predisposition that consistently explained belief in all types of fake news was a conspiracy mentality. This supports the notion of ideological symmetry in fake news belief—where a conspiracy mentality can be found across the political spectrum, and it can make people susceptible to disinformation regardless of group-memberships and other individual differences.

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Right-wing opposition to the mainstream radical right: the cases of Hungary and Poland

Cited by 8 publications

References 25 publications

The roots of Euroscepticism: Affective, behavioural and cognitive anti‐EU attitudes in Hungary

The roots of Euroscepticism: Affective, behavioural and cognitive anti‐EU attitudes in Hungary

Political Oppositions in Democratic and Authoritarian Regimes: A State-of-the-Field(s) Review

Social Psychological Predictors of Belief in Fake News in the Run-Up to the 2019 Hungarian Elections: The Importance of Conspiracy Mentality Supports the Notion of Ideological Symmetry in Fake News Belief

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