Right-Wing Religion: Christian Conservatism as a Political Movement

Lienesch, Michael

doi:10.2307/2149992

Cited by 44 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…Much confusion has resulted from a failure to clarify the difference between ideology and political ideology. The tendency of those with particular political ideologies also to hold similar preferences in art (Wilson, Ausman, & Matthews, 1973), humor (Wilson, 1990), and religion (Lienesch, 1982) should not be assumed to spring exclusively from socialization and group pressures, since like other nonpolitical elements of ideology it is quite possibly also the result of particular personalities and values which are traceable to cognitive and biological tendencies and traits (see Figure 2). Just as personality traits and values flow from a combination of the environment and cognitive/biological tendencies, people's broad preferences (ideology), flow from their values and personality traits 4…”

Section: Ideology and Political Ideologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Linking Genetics and Political Attitudes: Reconceptualizing Political Ideology

Smith

Oxley

Hibbing

et al. 2011

Political Psychology

138

141

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In this paper, we trace the route by which genetics could ultimately connect to issue attitudes and suggest that central to this connection are chronic dispositional preferences for mass-scale social rules, order, and conduct-what we label political ideology. The need to resolve bedrock social dilemmas concerning such matters as leadership style, protection from outgroups, and the degree to which norms of conduct are malleable, is present in any large-scale social unit at any time. This universality is important in that it leaves open the possibility that genetics could influence stances on issues of the day. Here, we measure orientation to these bedrock principles in two ways-a survey of conscious, self-reported positions and an implicit association test (IAT) of latent orientations toward fixed or flexible rules of social conduct. In an initial test, both measures were predictive of stances on issues of the day as well as of ideological self-labeling, thereby suggesting that the heritability of specific issue attitudes could be the result of the heritability of general orientations toward bedrock principles of mass-scale group life.

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Section: Ideology and Political Ideologymentioning

confidence: 99%

Linking Genetics and Political Attitudes: Reconceptualizing Political Ideology

Smith

Oxley

Hibbing

et al. 2011

Political Psychology

138

141

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…Paul Weyrich, as head of Coalitions for America, sponsored these meetings (Edwards ). Three forums offered political training to Christian leaders unfamiliar with institutional politics, Library Court (named for its proximity to the Library of Congress), the Kingston Group (named for the street on Capitol Hill where these meetings were held), and the Stanton Group (Edwards ; Himmelstein ; Lienesch , ; Moen ). There may be some confusion about the origins of the names of these groups—for example, journalist Dudley Clendinen reports that “on alternate Thursdays, representatives of a number of different national organizations meet with Mr. Weyrich at his Committee for the Survival of a Free Congress office on a Washington alleyway named Library Court…they have become known as the Library Court group” (18 August 1980)—but meet they did.…”

Section: Spillover Effectsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spillover Effects: Explaining Narrative Divergences of the Christian Right, 1979‐1989

Deerman¹

2016

J Historical Sociology

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A case study of two organizations central to the Christian Right, the Moral Majority and Concerned Women for America, shows that the movement's core narrative of redemption split into two narratives that emphasized either of two meanings of redemption: (1) to reform society, and (2) to save sinners through prayer. I document the divergence by analysis of organizational publications. I find that the Christian Right's relationship with the New Right shaped the expression of this redemption narrative, resulting in these two versions of a core narrative. Spillover between the two movements occurred through organizational networks and contact between New Right organizations and Christian Right leaders. Spillover effects are evident in the ideological content, political training, and issues frames developed by Moral Majority and Concerned Women for America. These findings suggest that we must consider how movements accommodate divergent core narratives.

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“…TV ministries may offer magical transformation, instantaneous healing and pseudo-community, but to do so they must also acknowledge that these are legitimate needs that are difficult to satisfy in contemporary society. While the programs may talk of &dquo;financial healing&dquo; and &dquo;turning pain into gain,&dquo; they issue from a belief system that's also based on charity, selfsacrifice and altruism (Leinesch 1982). And if the answers provided by health and wealth ministries are typically simplistic, it does not necessarily mean all viewers are satisfied with such solutions.…”

Section: The Surplus Of Desirementioning

confidence: 99%

Selling Goods and Selling God: Advertising, Televangelism and the Commodity Form

Peck

1993

Journal of Communication Inquiry

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Right-Wing Religion: Christian Conservatism as a Political Movement

Cited by 44 publications

References 0 publications

Linking Genetics and Political Attitudes: Reconceptualizing Political Ideology

Linking Genetics and Political Attitudes: Reconceptualizing Political Ideology

Spillover Effects: Explaining Narrative Divergences of the Christian Right, 1979‐1989

Selling Goods and Selling God: Advertising, Televangelism and the Commodity Form

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