Risk Factors for Child-to-Parent Violence: A Scoping Review

Lots of kicking, lots of punching, lots of biting, lots of hitting, lots of swearing' (Duncan, Fearon and Woolgar, 2024: 6). That is how a parent in a study published in this issue of Adoption & Fostering describes their experiences of child-to-parent violence. But how many punches, kicks or hurtful words justify the use of this term? Or is it not a question of quantity, but severity? Indeed, there is no universally agreed definition of child-to-parent violence as concluded by a recent scoping review (Rogers and Ashworth, 2024). Definitions vary by the types of adverse behaviours considered, with some only including physical harm or threat (Gallego et al., 2019). Supporting the use of broader definitions, the most commonly cited forms of child-to-parent violence include psychological abuse, financial abuse and exertion of control in addition to physical violence (Rogers and Ashworth, 2024). Additional considerations may include the intent of the instigator to cause harm, number of incidents (Gallego et al., 2019), subjective parental feelings of threat, intimidation or control (Paterson et al., 2002), or developmental age of the young person (i.e., child or adolescent; Selwyn and Meakings, 2016). For the sake of simplicity in this editorial, the term child-to-parent violence refers to children and adolescents alike.The variation in definitions is mirrored by the vast differences in reported prevalence rates, ranging from 0.6 to 60% with more narrow rates for physical violence (0.6 to 21%; Gallego et al., 2019). As part of their annual members' survey, a UK-based adoption charity reported that 65% of adoptive families had experienced child-to-parent violence with 35% listing it within the top three most significant challenges they were facing (Adoption UK, 2019). Consistent with this data, child-to-parent violence was reported by 38% of adoptive parents who characterised their current family situation as very challenging (Selwyn and Meakings, 2016).Sadly, child-to-parent violence may even act as a precursor to adoption disruption. Though rare in the UK, with a prevalence of 3.2 for England and 2.6 for Wales, child-toparent violence was the main reason for adoption disruption in the study by Selwyn and Meakings (2016). Some severe examples included the use of sharp objects such as knives and

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To What Extent is Child-to-Parent Violence Known in Latin America? A Systematic Review and Meta-analysis

Burgos-Benavides,

Cano-Lozano,

Ramírez

et al. 2024

Rev. Iberoam. Psicol. Salud

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Background/Aim: Child-to-parent violence is an increasingly frequent problem in which children assume the role of aggressors, causing serious consequences for family dynamics. The objectives of this study were to systematise studies of child-parent violence in Latin America and to analyse their frequency by means of a meta-analysis of proportions. Methods: This study followed The PRISMA 2020 criteria for systematic review and meta-analysis. A meta-analysis of proportions was performed according to the criteria of reiterated violence and zero-tolerance, and publication bias and heterogeneity were analysed. Results: Sixteen primary studies were included. Most of the studies have been conducted in México and Chile. Psychological violence showed a greater magnitude toward the mother, whereas physical violence showed very similar magnitudes for both parents. Discussion: The findings confirm the scarce evidence on child-parent violence in Latin American countries, but this does not mean that it is a non-existent problem. In fact, reiterated psychological violence could be exercised between 23% and 25%, and reiterated physical violence between 6% and 5% towards the father and mother, respectively. RESUMENAntecedentes/Objetivo: La violencia filio-parental es una problemática cada vez más frecuente en la que los hijos asumen el rol de agresores, causando graves consecuencias en la dinámica familiar. Los objetivos de este estudio fueron sistematizar los estudios de violencia filio-parental realizados en América Latina y analizar su frecuencia mediante un meta-análisis de proporciones. Método: Se siguieron los criterios PRISMA 2020 para revisiones sistemáticas y meta-análisis. Se realizó un meta-análisis de proporciones según los criterios de violencia repetida y tolerancia cero. Se analizó el sesgo de publicación y la heterogeneidad. Resultados: Se incluyeron dieciséis estudios primarios. La mayoría se realizaron en México y Chile. La violencia psicológica mostró una magnitud mayor hacia la madre, y la violencia física mostró magnitudes muy similares hacia ambos progenitores. Discusión: Los hallazgos confirman la escasa evidencia sobre violencia filio-parental en los países de América Latina, pero esto no quiere decir que sea un problema inexistente. De hecho, la violencia psicológica reiterada podría haber sido ejercida entre el 23% y el 25% y la violencia física reiterada entre el 6% y el 5% hacia el padre y madre, respectivamente.

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Risk Factors for Child-to-Parent Violence: A Scoping Review

Cited by 4 publications

References 61 publications

Family-Level Risk Factors of Domestic Violence

Family-Level Risk Factors of Domestic Violence

Breaking the taboo: Let’s talk about child-to-parent violence

To What Extent is Child-to-Parent Violence Known in Latin America? A Systematic Review and Meta-analysis

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