Anyone dealing with popular culture will very soon come across public houses', the French historian Daniel Roche wrote in an article published 30 years ago. 1 Starting from an observation which he had already made in his book Le Peuple de Paris, that 'the link between public houses and the transgression of norms is all too often overstated, when in fact they are a mere component of daily life', he recommended paying closer attention to the more mundane aspects of this institution, so central to Old Regime societies. 2 In the wake of the research carried out by Maurice Agulhon on Provencal barrack rooms, Roche thus intended to locate his analysis of Paris's public houses within a cultural history of the forms and rituals of popular sociability in the eighteenth century. 3 However, since he was attuned to all the social uses of these venues, Roche also highlighted in this article-albeit in passing-the wide range of economic, commercial and professional activities taking place within public houses and insisted in particular on the ways in which agents from the world of Parisian crafts made use of them. 4 In other words, he identified public houses as a historical object of prime importance, and acted as a trailblazer by laying the foundations of an inquiry into the place and role of public houses in Old Regime France. Nonetheless, and in spite of the fact that Thomas Brennan's book Public Drinking and Popular Culture in Eighteenth-Century Paris (1988) has since confirmed and clarified the picture set out by Roche in the early 1980s, the world of public houses has hardly drawn the attention of French historians since then, and it is fair to claim that it now represents a blind spot in the historiography of modern France. 5 This observation is all the more striking if one considers not only the past importance, but also the current vitality and ongoing renewal of this field of research in European historiography, notably in Germany and Britain. Among the most noteworthy contributions made by this literature about public houses in modern Europe, it is important to stress, first, the elaboration-beyond the various institutional and geographical situations-of a shared terminology. The generic term 'public house', * I'm grateful to editors for their advice and comments, and also to Beat Kümin for reading a first draft of the text and providing me with references.