Run the country like a business? The economics of Jordan’s Islamic action front

Abstract

The moral economics of the Islamic Action Front, the partisan wing of the original Jordanian Muslim Brotherhood, is both defined and compromised by internal inconsistency. Similar to others that might be classified as a socially conservative, religiously-oriented political party, the Islamic Action Front pledges a paternalist commitment to the poor only to undermine the already limited prospects of such paternalism through the adoption of charity-based approaches to social welfare and through their more general advocacy for economic liberalization, free markets, capital mobility, and private initiative. How can one best explain both the contradictions constituting the Islamic Action Front's economics and the political implications contained within such an economic agenda? This article will review the intersection of local class structure, party ideology, and history so to furnish an answer.

Islamic Neoliberalism for Jordan's Islamic Action Front in Islamic Banking and Finance

“…At the same time and contradictorily, they have criticized the same banks for not doing more for these efforts, arguing that the banks could and should be providing more interest-free loans, focus on investments that would promote the general welfare of society such a schools and education, those investments of national security such as agriculture while raising the national profile and sovereignty by limiting reliance upon the West (Malley 2011, 167). 1 It is striking that the IAF members support an expansion of Islamic banking and finance endeavors, at least their ethical principles, but then do not call for them in their major policy paper (Powers 2019). In fact, one notable way that the neoliberal ethics have come to penetrate and inform political Islamist agendas is found in their criticisms of the banks.…”

“…And it does this as part of an entire assemblage of “proper” Islamic practice, rather than through institutional support for the Islamic banking and finance sector. As Powers (2019, 46) points out, “Of the thirty-two candidates [put forward by the IAF-organized National Coalition for Reform] for whom biographical information was provided, all except one held at least an undergraduate degree. Ten of the thirty-two had earned PhDs, three held MAs, two held JDs, and one an MD.” Despite the high levels of education, and the history of intellectual contributions from those such as Dr. Sami Hamoud, the IAF has not employed the expertise and intellectual power they collectively have to put forth specific policy prescriptions when it comes to Islamic banking and finance.…”

“…The IAF's economic policies are often quite vague and lack specificity, particularly on the means by which the party will “practice economics.” According to Saif and Sulayman Abu Rumman (2012, 17), “The IAF has never drafted comprehensive economic programs because its leaders never expected to reach power.” As a result, they argue, the economic policy statements of the IAF are some of the least detailed and does not address the challenges facing the Jordanian economy (17). As Powers (2019, 38) details, the moral economics of the IAF is “defined and compromised by contradiction and internal inconsistency.”…”

“…The first major economic policy that the IAF supported included a housing policy that encouraged contracts in accordance with shari'a and to exempt those who have benefitted from the Housing Projects from paying interest (Malley 2011, 177). Beyond these points, IAF platforms pushed for additional support for poverty alleviation programs (typically in the form of training and developmental funds) and pro-working class and economically populist political actions (Powers 2019, 38–40). An IAF statement in 1996 criticized the rising prices of water and electricity and expressed concern for a plan to alleviate unemployment and poverty (Yom and Al-Khatib 2012).…”

“…Some political Islamists in Jordan such as Dr. Sami Hamoud pointed to the Islamic banks as a testament to the truism that “Islam is the answer” that can provide viable economic solutions to the problems prompted by capitalism (Powers 2019, 49). At the same time and contradictorily, they have criticized the same banks for not doing more for these efforts, arguing that the banks could and should be providing more interest-free loans, focus on investments that would promote the general welfare of society such a schools and education, those investments of national security such as agriculture while raising the national profile and sovereignty by limiting reliance upon the West (Malley 2011, 167) 1…”