Russia and the Politics of International Environmental Regimes

Korppoo, Anna; Tynkkynen, Nina; Hønneland, Geir

doi:10.4337/9781782548645

Cited by 24 publications

(28 citation statements)

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“…Although Russia has pledged itself to the guiding principles of international environmental policy, including that of sustainable development, its level of engagement in the related processes varies (Oldfield, Kouzmina, and Shaw 2003). HELCOM, however, is one of the bodies of international environmental policy in which Russia's engagement has been relatively active throughout the years of its existence (Korppoo, Tynkkynen, and Hønneland 2015).…”

Section: Key Concepts Methods and Materialsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…For example, some scholars argue that the Soviet/Russian participation in the HELCOM regime has throughout the history of the regime been motivated primarily by political interests: Baltic Sea environmental cooperation has served as a way to demonstrate the willingness of the leadership to avoid geopolitical tensions and create a positive political atmosphere in Europe (e.g. Darst 2001), or as a venue to promote other interests, for example, those related to energy sales (Korppoo, Tynkkynen, and Hønneland 2015). At the same time, problem definitions shaping the forms of HELCOM cooperation have largely been dominated by the well-established Western democracies in the region, whereas former state socialist countries have been framed as "laggards" in terms of Baltic Sea protection (e.g.…”

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confidence: 98%

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Russia and the Baltic Sea: frames and spaces of environmental problems

Tynkkynen

2014

Eurasian Geography and Economics

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Section: Key Concepts Methods and Materialsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 98%

Russia and the Baltic Sea: frames and spaces of environmental problems

Tynkkynen

2014

Eurasian Geography and Economics

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“…A few studies have examined the process surrounding Russia's domestic politics on climate change (Wilson-Rowe 2009;Henry and McIntosh-Sundstrom 2007;Tynkkynen, 2010;Korppoo et al 2006Korppoo et al , 2015. In-depth work on Russia's approach to international climate negotiations can be found, but not in abundance (Antonova and Alexieva 2012;Henry and McIntosh-Sundstrom 2012).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 97%

“…For details, seeKorppoo et al (2015).9 Lacking an official definition or methodology, project developers had to develop their own ways of demonstrating project 'efficiency'.10 Under the second and third sets of rules, companies that received financing through JI were required to provide evidence that they had re-invested the revenues into environmentally friendly projects.…”

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confidence: 99%

Who is driving Russian climate policy? Applying and adjusting veto players theory to a non-democracy

Korppoo

2015

Int Environ Agreements

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What is driving Russian climate policy? This article focuses on the veto player approach developed by George Tsebelis and its applicability for examining the power relations in climate change policy-making in Russia. It makes two original contributions: veto players analysis on Russian climate policy and proposals how to adjust to theory to be applied to nondemocracies for comparison with democracies. After identifying the veto players and their preferences, and determining their equivalence in the decision-making process, two case studies are examined: the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol and the establishment of one of the Kyoto flexible mechanisms, Joint Implementation, in Russia. Regarding the power play between actors, the latter emerges as far more accessible than the former, where scholars can generally observe only the domestic debate-which, due to the absorption of democratic decision-making institutions by the president, is detached from the actual decision-making process. Three proposals are made for adjusting the veto players approach to facilitate qualitative analysis of Russian decisionmaking: (1) select cases which involve also lower-level actors in charge of policy implementation; (2) due to implementation problems, changes in the status quo must be sought deeper than in statute-level changes; and (3) note that motivations of actors beyond the actual policy substance can facilitate explanations of puzzling outcomes in the process.

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“…1 A few studies have examined the process surrounding Russia's climate politics (Andonova & Alexieva, 2012;Henry & Sundstrom, 2007;Korppoo, Tynkkynen, & Hønneland, 2015;Tynkkynen, 2010;Wilson-Rowe, 2009), and some non-peer-reviewed material on Russia's climate negotiation strategies has been published (Kokorin & Korppoo, 2013;Korppoo & Vatansever, 2012). This article makes a specific, policy-relevant contribution by evaluating the feasibility of Russia's domestically adopted 2020 climate target.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

Russia's 2020 GHG emissions target: Emission trends and implementation

Korppoo

Kokorin²

2015

Climate Policy

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This article provides an overview of the recent modelling results on Russia's GHG emission trends, and reviews the success of mitigation policies in order to establish whether Russia's domestic target seems feasible. Various Russian GHG emission scenarios indicate that Russia's domestic target -emissions 25% below the 1990 level by 2020 -is not far from the business-asusual emissions trajectory. In particular, two factors could deliver the required emissions reductions: the currently declining gross domestic product (GDP) growth and ongoing domestic mitigation policies. The former is more likely to secure the target level of emissions, because GDP growth has been contracting significantly in comparison to earlier forecasts of 3-5% annual growth, and this trend is expected to continue. The latter option -success with domestic mitigation measures -seems less likely, given the various meta-barriers to policy implementation, and the marginality of mitigation policies, problems with law-making processes, bureaucratic tradition, and informality of legislative and implementation systems. Policy relevanceThis article provides an assessment of the stringency of Russia's domestically set emissions limitation target by 2020 and the chances of Russia, the fourth largest GHG emitter in the world, achieving it. We base our assessment on a number of recent key sources that analyse Russia's GHG emission paths by applying socio-economic models, which have only been available in the Russian language prior to this publication. This knowledge is applicable for use by other negotiation parties to compare Russia's efforts to mitigate climate change to their own, and thus makes a contribution to facilitating a more equal burden-sharing of climate commitments under the future climate change agreement.

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Russia and the Politics of International Environmental Regimes

Cited by 24 publications

References 0 publications

Russia and the Baltic Sea: frames and spaces of environmental problems

Russia and the Baltic Sea: frames and spaces of environmental problems

Who is driving Russian climate policy? Applying and adjusting veto players theory to a non-democracy

Russia's 2020 GHG emissions target: Emission trends and implementation

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