“…To put it simple, they all agree that some patterns in the post-communist context contradict the universality patterns established by studying different regions and different historic context. This group includes Agh (2002), who claims that unlike the West European social-democratic parties that have experienced with various versions of the "Third Way" policies, their East European homologues had to overcome economic deficit through creating huge social deficit; Aligica (2003), who claims that in the post-communist context the direct relationship between institutional structures, institutional learning and the emerging values is difficult to establish and substantiate; Buttrick and Moran (2005), who argue that there is a spurious correlation between social capital and economic development, an argument maintained by Putnam, in the regions of post-communist Russia; Ganev (2005), who claims that the process of democratization in the postcommunist context represents, contrary to Charles Tilly's hypothesis of state formation, a process of weakening, not strengthening the state; Bunce and Wolchik (2006), who claim that the cross-national diffusion of the electoral model in the post-communist region may have run its course, largely because of less supportive local and international conditions; Petrovic (2008), who argues that there is a limited explanatory value to structural arguments of the role of initial conditions in assessing the reasons for the slower progress of the Balkan states in post-communist reform; Koinova (2009), who states that contrary to the predominant understanding in the literature, that diasporas act in exclusively nationalist ways, they in fact do engage with the democratization of their home countries; Valkov (2009), who challenges the hypothesis, inspired from Putnam's studies on social capital, that there is cohabitation of civic engagement and democratic institutions and practices; Ganev (2011) who introduces a more comprehensive research program focused on the context-specific challenges inherent in the attempt to re-establish tax states in the formerly communist countries; Rybar (2011), who shows that the dominant theory of European integration, the liberal intergovernmentalism, contains several assumptions about the process and character of national preference formation that may not be fully met in the post-communist EU member states.…”