Gender historians of South Asia have illuminated the multiple ways in which gender and religion were constitutive of colonial rule in British India. In this article, I argue that this historical legacy has seeped into the present: that gender and religion have constituted postcolonial rule as well, in ways that are both similar to, and different from, the colonial era. To show this, I focus on debates over Hindu religious laws over time. Copious and insightful historical and political analyses have examined religious laws or debates, or single pieces of legislation, generally in one time period. 1 But comparative studies of religious laws in India, comparing either across religions or across time, have been relatively scant in the literature. 2 This study uses temporal comparison to reveal what snapshot analyses cannot, illuminating both what has changed and what has not in the gendered and religious construction of state legitimacy in colonial and postcolonial India. Like the British colonial state, the Indian postcolonial state sought to reform religion (by reforming religious laws) and constructed women as symbols of progress and modernisation, thus underpinning its legitimacy to rule and manifesting its own postcolonial version of the civilising mission.The study shows important changes, as well as continuities, in the debates over time. Two key changes were in the terms of the debates and the participation of women legislators in them. The terms of the debates shifted from a focus on religious textual authenticity to an almost exclusive concern with gender equity and women's rights; and where no women participated in the earliest debates, by 2006 they were the primary participants. The first set of debates took place in the early 1920s and centred on whether codifying the Hindu personal laws would do more to preserve or to undermine their religious textual authenticity. The second major set of debates took place in the 1940s and 1950s, during a transitional period as India approached independence and the colonial state reconfigured itself as a postcolonial state. In this period, the debates showed an inherent tension between a traditional(ising) and a modern(ising) vision of the new Indian nation, while both visions remained fundamentally religious and gendered. Finally, the most recent debates in 2006 were conducted overtly on the basis of gender and women's rights, even as religion recededGender & History to the background. Thus these debates came (back) full circle most explicitly to the historical place they may never have left: the modern refiguring of the post/colonial state's (gendered and religious) civilising/modernising mission. The arc of the debates over time suggests that, where British colonists held that Indians were unfit to govern themselves based on the status of 'their' women, the postcolonial Indian state has sought to prove its fitness to govern by seeking to improve the status of 'its own' women.These changes, in turn, suggest what has not changed over time, and that is the fundamentall...