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There has been a hesitancy in academic discussion of Roman Britain to address the potential significance of the identity and agency of rural communities in shaping the provincial landscape. This article seeks to address the reasons for this before delineating some avenues by which we might better investigate this issue. Through two case studies the importance of kinship, agricultural peers and occupational identity (being farmers) are recognised as potential drivers for the course of rural life in Roman Britain. In so doing the extent to which 'being Roman' was really a central concern of many agricultural communities is questioned.Keywords: Romanitas; being Roman; Roman Britain; agency; identity; rural; landscape; kinship T his article explores the role of rural identity and agency and the extent to which these can be applied to the writing of new narratives of agricultural social development in the first centuries of Roman rule in Britain. Arguably, emphasis in Roman archaeology has been placed on the impact of urban and military impositions and related population responses, rather than a consideration of the diversity of the rural landscapes encountered and their role in shaping provincial identities. Thus the first section includes a short critique of some current approaches to Roman-period rural landscapes and communities, and highlights the continuing absence of attention to agency in literature and perspectives considering the mass of the rural populace in the Western Roman Empire. The second part seeks to delineate routes by which we might investigate issues of local agency, and the importance of kinship or peer group in reinforcing the identity of rural communities and how they can contribute to our picture of the emerging character of rural landscapes in the provinces. Two contrasting case studies will help demonstrate the validity of this approach and its potential contribution to wider debates about cultural change in the Roman Empire. The importance of the approach outlined here lies in its willingness to recognise and engage with the diversity apparent in the archaeological evidence from agricultural landscapes and in its opening of new avenues for debate regarding how and why the Western provinces developed in the ways they did.
There has been a hesitancy in academic discussion of Roman Britain to address the potential significance of the identity and agency of rural communities in shaping the provincial landscape. This article seeks to address the reasons for this before delineating some avenues by which we might better investigate this issue. Through two case studies the importance of kinship, agricultural peers and occupational identity (being farmers) are recognised as potential drivers for the course of rural life in Roman Britain. In so doing the extent to which 'being Roman' was really a central concern of many agricultural communities is questioned.Keywords: Romanitas; being Roman; Roman Britain; agency; identity; rural; landscape; kinship T his article explores the role of rural identity and agency and the extent to which these can be applied to the writing of new narratives of agricultural social development in the first centuries of Roman rule in Britain. Arguably, emphasis in Roman archaeology has been placed on the impact of urban and military impositions and related population responses, rather than a consideration of the diversity of the rural landscapes encountered and their role in shaping provincial identities. Thus the first section includes a short critique of some current approaches to Roman-period rural landscapes and communities, and highlights the continuing absence of attention to agency in literature and perspectives considering the mass of the rural populace in the Western Roman Empire. The second part seeks to delineate routes by which we might investigate issues of local agency, and the importance of kinship or peer group in reinforcing the identity of rural communities and how they can contribute to our picture of the emerging character of rural landscapes in the provinces. Two contrasting case studies will help demonstrate the validity of this approach and its potential contribution to wider debates about cultural change in the Roman Empire. The importance of the approach outlined here lies in its willingness to recognise and engage with the diversity apparent in the archaeological evidence from agricultural landscapes and in its opening of new avenues for debate regarding how and why the Western provinces developed in the ways they did.
in use, particularly after the end of the second century A.D., when export from the Central Gaulish potteries at Lezoux ceased and it became more difficult to replace breakages. Hence, broken vessels were commonly riveted together. The mend may not have been watertight , but could have been made so by the use of adhesive. Sherds with rivet-holes and grooves are a common find on sites. 114 Others have the break coated in a black tarry substance, probably some form of adhesive. A measure of the quality of samian ware and its prestige is also shown by the way in which vessels were reworked to form other, smaller objects. Geoff Marsh provides a useful summary of these procedures. 115 Broken rims could be filed down to make smaller vessels. Bases could be trimmed to produce small dishes, lids, or palettes. The 'kicked' base of form 31 could have been used as a spinning top. Smaller sherds could be converted into counters or spindle whorls. In her study of the samian ware from the late second century onwards at Piercebridge, Margaret Ward notes 74 vessels showing repairs, about 40 trimmed bases with evidence for reuse, and a large group of counters and spindle whorls. 116 On the basis of this evidence, she suggests the presence of a workshop in the vicus, responsible not just for repairs, but also for the production of reworked items for sale. That repaired and reused samian should have been on sale is a not unreasonable supposition, particularly in less affluent settlements and in the later Roman period. Wroxeter, however, where Atkinson mentions repaired items along with a deposit of samian interpreted as a stall-holder's stock, 117 does not seem to offer an altogether convincing example of the regular sale of secondhand products. The material interpreted by Atkinson as reserve stock, as no doubt it was, was found in the fire-damaged East rooms of the forum rather than in the gutter, into which the contents of the stalls had fallen. In discussion, intended primarily to establish the date of destruction, he notes the presence of repaired samian and also of coarse ware in these rooms in addition to the piles of samian. Whether these, too, were for sale is a matter of interpretation, particularly in the case of Room 3, the findspot of the single repair illustrated, 118 where later disturbance is mentioned. The repaired pieces were not openly displayed on the stalls, but with the reserve, and could equally be interpreted as specially commissioned repairs. While it is not impossible that the odd repair was on sale as a 'second', in a major town and tribal capital in the mid-second century the inhabitants were able to obtain, and could no doubt afford, new products. The most convincing evidence for a workshop for the repair and reworking of samian ware, by commission or for sale, comes from Kempston Church End, a village or roadside settlement in a rural area, on the bank of the River Great Ouse outside modern Bedford. Recent excavations revealed a group of pits, 119 one of which contained a large group of samian ware, alm...
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