Sandhi phenomena in Romanian

Avram, Andrei A.

doi:10.1515/9783110858532.551

Cited by 2 publications

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“…An obstruent must agree in voicing category with a following obstruent. Slavic : Russian (Halle 1959: 64), Polish (Rubach 1984: 206), Slovak (Rubach 1993: 280), Serbian-Croatian (Partridge 1972: 20), Slovene (Herrity 2000: 22), Czech (Heim 1976: 14), Belarus (Rubach 2008: 463) Germanic : Dutch (Booij 1995: 59–60), Yiddish (Katz 1987: 29–30) Romance : Latin (Niedermann 1910: 67–68), Walloon (Francard & Morin 1986: 454–455), Rumanian (between words – Avram 1986: 565)Sanskrit (Whitney 1891: 55)Breton (Le Dû 1986: 446) Semitic : Sudanese Arabic, Turkish Arabic, and Maltese Arabic (Abu-Mansour 1996), Modern Hebrew (except [] – Barkai 1972: 90)Lithuanian (Dambriunas, Klimas & Smalstieg 1966: 17)Hungarian (Vago 1980: 34–35)An obstruent must agree with a following consonant in voicing (including a following sonorant consonant). Catalan (Wheeler 1979: 310–313)Sanskrit (between words – Selkirk 1980: 115)Lango (Noonan 1992: 17)A voiced obstruent must agree with a following obstruent in voicing, but a voiceless obstruent can stand before a voiced one.…”

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Regressive voicing assimilation: Production and perception studies

Myers¹

2010

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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Many languages have a phonological pattern of regressive voicing assimilation, according to which an obstruent is required to match a following obstruent in voicing (e.g. Russian, Sanskrit). This restriction on the distribution of categories has parallels in the phonetic fact that an obstruent has a longer interval of glottal pulsing when it occurs before a voiced sound than when it occurs before a voiceless sound. It is proposed that the phonological pattern arises diachronically through a reanalysis of the phonetic pattern, beginning with a tendency for listeners to identify an obstruent before another obstruent as matching the latter in voicing. This paper reports on two experiments designed to test premises of this account. A production study explores how obstruent voicing in English is affected by voicing in a following segment. A perception study explores how the identification of voicing categories is impacted by the acoustic effects of following segment context. It is found that listeners tend to identify a fricative as voiceless if it is drawn from the position before a voiceless obstruent, but that a following voiced segment has no significant effect on voicing class identification. Implications for the diachronic account of regressive voicing assimilation are discussed.

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“…Romance : Latin (Niedermann 1910: 67–68), Walloon (Francard & Morin 1986: 454–455), Rumanian (between words – Avram 1986: 565)…”

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Regressive voicing assimilation: Production and perception studies

Myers¹

2010

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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“…One of the first in-depth corpus-based descriptions of the Romanian verbal complex is provided by Bredemeier (1976), who also works out a detailed and accurate theory-neutral formalization in terms of context-derived constraints. Avram (1986) offers a broad depiction of sandhi in RWPs. Barbu (1999) provides a description of the verbal complex, Dobrovie-Sorin (1999a) a generative approach to the syntax of RWPs, and Somesfalean (2007) an approach to argumental pronominal forms based on data from Romanian and other Romance languages couched in the theoretical framework of the Minimalist Theory.…”

Section: Previous Approachesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…In order to identify phonological constraints on RWP combinations, one should first categorize the phonological shapes of RWPs based on the different contexts they occur in (for more details, see Avram 1986or Popescu 2000. Although there is no disagreement about partitioning RWPs into two categories (one for syllabic and one for asyllabic forms), there is a great variety in terminology.…”

Section: Phonological Features Of Romanian Weak Pronounsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Indeed, in the literature on Old Romanian, there is evidence for the existence of forms such as su and lu (cf. Graur 1960, Avram 1986:p. 652, or Dindelegan 2016. Consider, e.g., the instances eu measeru-su 'I am poor' in Dindelegan (2016:p. 169) or nu vrea de să-lu știe 'he does not want anybody to know him' in Dindelegan (2016:p. 242).…”

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How weak are Romanian clitic pronouns?

Gerstenberger

2022

NLY

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In traditional linguistics, pronouns are divided into two classes: those that can bear word stress, coined strong, full or tonal, and those that can not, coined weak, clitic, or atonal. However, in the last decades, research on this topic showed that items generally labeled as clitics are by far more complex. Between words and affixes, these hybrid linguistic entities challenge both description and modeling. As for Romanian, the debate on weak (i.e., clitic) pronouns was dominated by the question about their categorial status: are these items clitics or affixes? In this article, we present and scrutinize different approaches that support the claim that there is a difference between proclitics and enclitics, i.e., between clitics occurring before vs. after the verb. Since Romanian features a full-fledged pronominal system with different deficiency degrees, we evaluate these claims against it. We show that all these approaches manifest basic deficiencies.

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Sandhi phenomena in Romanian

Cited by 2 publications

References 1 publication

Regressive voicing assimilation: Production and perception studies

Regressive voicing assimilation: Production and perception studies

How weak are Romanian clitic pronouns?

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