Savosavo word stress: a quantitative analysis

Simard, Candide; Wegener, Claudia; Lee, Albert; Chiu, Faith; Youngberg, Connor

doi:10.21437/speechprosody.2014-90

Cited by 8 publications

(6 citation statements)

References 6 publications

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“…The tonal pattern of an accentual phrase a pitch accent, followed by an edge tone marking the end of the accentual phrase (Sadat-Tehrani 2007, 2009). The pitch accent is described as a bitonal L+H* accent, characterized by a Low followed by a High tone associated with the stressed syllable (Eslami 2000, Eslami & Bijankhan 2002, Mahjani 2003, Sadat-Tehrani 2009, Abolhasani Zadeh, Gussenhoven & Bijankhan 2010, Taheri Ardali 2010). L+H* is used for polysyllabic words or phrases with non-initial stress.…”

Section: Stress and Intonation In Persianmentioning

confidence: 99%

The timing of pre-nuclear pitch accents in Persian

Sadeghi

2017

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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This paper examines the phonetic realization of rising pre-nuclear pitch accents in Persian. In a first experiment, the alignment of f0 valleys and peaks in pre-nuclear pitch accents was analyzed in controlled speech materials as a function of the syllable structure (open vs. closed) and vowel type (short vs. long) of the accented syllable. The results revealed that in words with antepenultimate stress, both the L and the H tones are anchored to specific segmental landmarks irrespective of syllable structure or vowel type. In particular, the L is consistently aligned with the onset of the accented syllable, and the H is placed with similar consistency in the vicinity of the first post-accentual vowel. In a second experiment, the variability in the timing and scaling of L valleys and H peaks was examined as a function of the proximity of the word boundary and of the following accent. The results revealed that while the alignment of the L was unaffected by changes in stress conditions, H peaks were significantly retracted as the syllable approached the end of the word. However, the proximity of the following accent did not produce a significant effect on H alignment. In addition, no significant differences were found on L and H scaling in different stress or tonal crowding conditions. Overall, the results contribute to a growing body of evidence that in the absence of upcoming prosodic pressure, the alignment of pitch targets is specified relative to segmental positions. A comparison between these findings and empirical findings from other languages reveals fine phonetic differences of segmental anchoring that are less likely to be interpreted in terms of distinct association-based phonological representations, and suggests that some aspects of segmental anchoring need to be explained in terms of continuous language-specific alignment rules.

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Section: Stress and Intonation In Persianmentioning

confidence: 99%

The timing of pre-nuclear pitch accents in Persian

Sadeghi

2017

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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“…Hosseini (2014) has found that nuclear accented syllables have a lower F0 range, but a longer duration in comparison with pre-nuclear accented ones, and that other parameters such as overall intensity, spectral tilt and vowel quality do not differ significantly in the two types of accents. Taheri Ardali and Xu (2012) examined the acoustic correlates of prosodic focus in Persian, and found that the temporal domain of a single focus consists of three temporal zones, with distinct pitch range, duration and intensity adjustments for pre-, on- and post-focus components. Specifically, they showed that F0 and duration are the acoustic correlates of on-focus words, with words under focus having higher pitch and longer duration than words under neutral (broad) focus.…”

Section: The Persian Vowel System and Stress Patternmentioning

confidence: 99%

Word-level prominence in Persian: An Experimental Study

Sadeghi

2017

Lang Speech

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Previous literature on the phonetics of stress in Persian has reported that fundamental frequency is the only reliable acoustic correlate of stress, and that stressed and unstressed syllables are not differentiated from each other in the absence of accentuation. In this study, the effects of lexical stress on duration, overall intensity and spectral tilt were examined in Persian both in the accented and unaccented conditions. Results showed that syllable duration is consistently affected by stress in Persian in both the accented and unaccented conditions across all vowel types. Unlike duration, the results for overall intensity and spectral tilt were significant only in the accented condition, suggesting that measures of intensity are not a correlate of stress in Persian but they are mainly caused by the presence of a pitch movement. The findings are phonologically interpreted as suggesting that word-level prominence in Persian is typologically similar to 'stress accent' languages, in which multiple phonetic cues are used to signal the prominence contrast in the accented condition, and stressed and unstressed syllables are different from each other even when the word is not pitch-accented.

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“…In Persian every content word is produced with a pitch accent (see Section 2.2). An inspection of Taheri Ardali and Xu (2012) and Sadat Tehrani’s (2009) results suggests that information structure does not affect the presence of pitch accents on the words preceding the NPA. Rahmani, Rietveld, and Gussenhoven (2018) show that every content word preceding the NPA of the sentence retains its pitch accent, even if it contains given information.…”

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confidence: 95%

Do Persian Native Speakers Prosodically Mark Wh-in-situ Questions?

2018

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It has been shown that prosody contributes to the contrast between declarativity and interrogativity, notably in interrogative utterances lacking lexico-syntactic features of interrogativity. Accordingly, it may be proposed that prosody plays a role in marking wh-in-situ questions in which the interrogativity feature (the wh-phrase) does not move to sentence-initial position, as, for example, in Persian. This paper examines whether prosody distinguishes Persian wh-in-situ questions from declaratives in the absence of the interrogativity feature in the sentence-initial position. To answer this question, a production experiment was designed in which wh-questions and declaratives were elicited from Persian native speakers. On the basis of the results of previous studies, we hypothesize that prosodic features mark wh-in-situ questions as opposed to declaratives at both the local (pre- and post-wh part) and global level (complete sentence). The results of the current study confirm our hypothesis that prosodic correlates mark the pre-wh part as well as the complete sentence in wh-in-situ questions. The results support theoretical concepts such as the frequency code, the universal dichotomous association between relaxation and declarativity on the one hand and tension and interrogativity on the other, the relation between prosody and pragmatics, and the relation between prosody and encoding and decoding of sentence type.

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Savosavo word stress: a quantitative analysis

Cited by 8 publications

References 6 publications

The timing of pre-nuclear pitch accents in Persian

The timing of pre-nuclear pitch accents in Persian

Word-level prominence in Persian: An Experimental Study

Do Persian Native Speakers Prosodically Mark Wh-in-situ Questions?

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