“…Each consecutive phrase ends with the default standard Polish fall for declaratives, Edyta uses standard fricatives, no dark l, no vowel lengthening. Only, in line with tendencies for female In‐betweens to use longer VOTs than Polish Poles, but shorter than Cosmopolitans (Kozminska forthcoming), Edyta produces a slightly longer VOT in kultury (12) 7 “culture” and disaligns herself from Poland. When comparing herself with “Poles who stayed in Poland”, she negatively evaluates them as a uniform whole, a group that are mniej otwarci “less open,” and accomplishes her stance through the unfolding of the propositional content and standard means of expression.…”
Section: Stance‐takingmentioning
confidence: 83%
“…As they had similar linguistic profiles, levels of education, and social status, the ways they spoke did not differ due to class distinction. They did not also differ due to length of stay in Britain (Kozminska forthcoming).…”
This article reports emerging polycentric ideological orientations among UK‐educated middle‐class Polish‐speaking young adult migrants living and working in South‐East England in 2013–2014. The analysis of phonetic‐semiotic details in stance‐taking acts in chronotopic representations of experience reveals a continuum of sociolinguistic authority in which despite a shared sociocultural background, sociolinguistic possibilities are differently conceptualized and enacted. A close examination of the ways in which the participants exploit differences in clusters of morphonological detail demonstrates that English‐like realizations in Polish, while motivated by particular linguistic context and discursive function, co‐occur mainly in the speech of female “cosmopolitans” to signal orientation toward relevant social images and create locally valid and recognizable value effects. The relational, collective, and embodied soundings of sameness and difference depend on scalarity and complex interconnections between ethnicity, class, and gender in transnational timespace. The findings have implications for studies of variation and migrant discourse.
“…Each consecutive phrase ends with the default standard Polish fall for declaratives, Edyta uses standard fricatives, no dark l, no vowel lengthening. Only, in line with tendencies for female In‐betweens to use longer VOTs than Polish Poles, but shorter than Cosmopolitans (Kozminska forthcoming), Edyta produces a slightly longer VOT in kultury (12) 7 “culture” and disaligns herself from Poland. When comparing herself with “Poles who stayed in Poland”, she negatively evaluates them as a uniform whole, a group that are mniej otwarci “less open,” and accomplishes her stance through the unfolding of the propositional content and standard means of expression.…”
Section: Stance‐takingmentioning
confidence: 83%
“…As they had similar linguistic profiles, levels of education, and social status, the ways they spoke did not differ due to class distinction. They did not also differ due to length of stay in Britain (Kozminska forthcoming).…”
This article reports emerging polycentric ideological orientations among UK‐educated middle‐class Polish‐speaking young adult migrants living and working in South‐East England in 2013–2014. The analysis of phonetic‐semiotic details in stance‐taking acts in chronotopic representations of experience reveals a continuum of sociolinguistic authority in which despite a shared sociocultural background, sociolinguistic possibilities are differently conceptualized and enacted. A close examination of the ways in which the participants exploit differences in clusters of morphonological detail demonstrates that English‐like realizations in Polish, while motivated by particular linguistic context and discursive function, co‐occur mainly in the speech of female “cosmopolitans” to signal orientation toward relevant social images and create locally valid and recognizable value effects. The relational, collective, and embodied soundings of sameness and difference depend on scalarity and complex interconnections between ethnicity, class, and gender in transnational timespace. The findings have implications for studies of variation and migrant discourse.
“…The possibility of exporting benefits abroad or calculating the total insurance period in the Czech Republic depends on bilateral social security agreements concluded with third countries. 90 With this in mind, let's review the relations between Ukraine and the Czech Republic in the context of the existence of social security agreements. It is worth noting that the two countries signed the relevant Treaty, which entered into force in 2003.…”
Section: Differences In Social Security Systems In Relation To Labor ...mentioning
<div><table cellspacing="0" cellpadding="0" align="left"><tbody><tr><td align="left" valign="top"><p class="AbstractText">Labor migration is becoming a growing trend in the modern labor market. It has positive aspects, such as the redistribution of labor and the increase in human capital efficiency. However, along with other elements of a flexible labor market, labor migration can also threaten workers' social protection. The study of social security issues helps to assess the extent to which these workers have access to the necessary social services and benefits, which contribute to their well-being and encourage further contribution to the economy. The primary research method is system analysis, which considers social security as a complex system that includes various components, interrelationships, and influences. The research results found that EU legal acts are equality-oriented and give EU member states the opportunity to set their own rules for migrants coming from third countries. As the economic and social situation in different EU countries differs, member states are trying to preserve the shared values and principles of the Union while protecting their markets from additional social obligations related to the employment of third-country nationals. The priorities of Ukraine's migration policy are to protect citizens' rights and interests abroad and coordinate social security systems with recipient countries of Ukrainian labor migrants.</p></td></tr></tbody></table></div>
In the globalized internet age, informal learning is gaining prominence in China as mobile technology and social networking sites (SNSs) become widely accessible and virtually ubiquitously popular in Chinese society. An important informal learning platform is made up by the specialized public accounts on WeChat, the most popular SNSs in China. This study is based on three popular WeChat public accounts on parenting and education, especially on English learning, run by diasporic Chinese elites, with a special focus on the semiotic resources they have mobilized and brought across the national and real/virtual boundaries to attract novice parents in China. Drawing on Blommaert’s conception of scaled resources, this study uncovers the patterns of semiotic resources on the local, national, and global scales the public accounts holders have deployed to invoke indexical meanings to attract knowledge-seeking parents in China. The indexicality process reflects an ordered nature deeply embedded in the inequal power relations within the stratified world system and social structures. The value acquisition of local resources in globalized, webified mobility also embodies Barthes’ mythical signification.
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