School Connections: U.S. Mexican Youth, Peers, and School Achievement

Ballón, Estela Godinez

doi:10.1111/j.1467-9620.2005.00604.x

Cited by 25 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…Second, school composition has been studied frequently since Coleman et al (1966) reported it as the most influential school characteristic. Many of these subsequent studies have confirmed that schools' socioeconomic and racial composition indeed affect the educational performance of students (Rumberger & Palardy, 2005). Third, the large body of mostly pedagogic research on instructional and teaching practices has produced mixed results.…”

Section: Schools As Learning Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 95%

“…Overall, most scholars agree that high-quality schools improve the achievement level of all students but particularly elevate the performance of disadvantaged students (Nye et al, 2004;Scheerens & Bosker, 1997). A high-quality school is typically defined as one with highly qualified teachers and optimal organisational conditions, but some previous studies have proposed that a large proportion of students from advantaged socioeconomic backgrounds is another indicator of school quality (Clotfelter, Ladd, & Vigdor, 2010;Greenwald, Hedges, & Laine, 1996;Hallinger & Heck, 2011;Hopkins & Stern, 1996;Louis, Dretzke, & Wahlstrom, 2010;Rumberger & Palardy, 2005). Nonetheless, few studies have examined whether such school characteristics are relevant to the differential educational performances of girls and boys (Legewie & DiPrete, 2012;Ma, 2008;Machin & McNally, 2005).…”

Section: Schools As Learning Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Do schools affect girls’ and boys’ reading performance differently? A multilevel study on the gendered effects of school resources and school practices

Hek

Kraaykamp

Pelzer

2017

School Effectiveness and School Improvement

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Few studies on male-female inequalities in education have elaborated on whether school characteristics affect girls' and boys' educational performance differently. This study investigated how school resources, being schools' socioeconomic composition, proportion of girls, and proportion of highly educated teachers, and school practices, being schools' application of well-rounded assessment methods, influenced girls' and boys' reading performance differently. We hypothesised that positive effects of school resources would be greater for boys than for girls, and that more frequent use of well-rounded assessment methods would be associated with increased girls' and decreased boys' reading performance. Using advanced multilevel analyses of 2009 Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) data, we found that boys profited more than girls from having a large proportion of girls in school. Contrary to our expectations, girls gained more than boys from a school's advantaged socioeconomic composition. These gendered effects of school resources were not explained by differences in school learning climate.

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Section: Schools As Learning Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 95%

Section: Schools As Learning Institutionsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Do schools affect girls’ and boys’ reading performance differently? A multilevel study on the gendered effects of school resources and school practices

Hek

Kraaykamp

Pelzer

2017

School Effectiveness and School Improvement

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“…Concerns about fitting in and developing social relationships with peers are exacerbated among students of color entering predominantly White settings-demonstrated among studies of African American students entering social interactions with White students (Richeson & Shelton, 2007;Richeson, Trawalter, & Shelton, 2005;, and African American (e.g., Chavous, 2000;Tatum, 1997), Latino/a (e.g., Ethier & Deaux, 1990;1994;Gibson, Gandara, & Koyama, 2004;Villalpando, 2003), Native American (e.g., Brayboy, 2004;Fryberg, Markus, Oyserman, & Stone, 2008) and Asian American students (e.g., Cheryan & Monin, 2005;Shimpi & Zirkel, 2012) entering predominantly White colleges and universities. For example, African American students often express concerns about rejection in academic settings (Richeson & Shelton, 2007).…”

Section: Conceptual Frameworkmentioning

confidence: 99%

Race and Belonging in School: How Anticipated and Experienced Belonging Affect Choice, Persistence, and Performance

Murphy

Zirkel

2015

Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education

155

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Background/Context A sense of belonging in school is a complex construct that relies heavily on students’ perceptions of the educational environment, especially their relationships with other students. Some research suggests that a sense of belonging in school is important to all students. However, we argue that the nature and meaning of belonging in school is different for students targeted by negative racial stereotypes—such as African American, Latino/a, Native American, and some Asian American students. Our conceptual framework draws upon stigma and stereotype threat theory and, specifically, the concept of belonging uncertainty, to explore how concerns about belonging in academic contexts may have different meaning for—and thus differentially affect the academic outcomes of—White students compared with underrepresented racial and ethnic minority students. Purpose/Objective Although feelings of belonging are important to all students, there are reasons to believe that students from stigmatized racial and ethnic groups may have especially salient concerns about belonging in school because their social identities make them vulnerable to negative stereotyping and social identity threat. Three studies examined how college and middle school students’ feelings of belonging at school relate to their academic aspirations, motivation, and performance. Research Design One experiment (Study 1) and two longitudinal studies (Studies 2-3) examined the influence of belonging among students in different educational settings. Study 1 examined first year college students’ social representations of the kinds of students that comprised various majors on campus and their self-reported sense of belonging in those majors. Study 2 examined middle school students’ self-reported sense of belonging and how it related to their educational goals and efficacy. Study 3 examined college students’ belonging and its relationship to academic performance one year later. Setting The settings for the three studies varied. The setting for Study 1 was a large, urban, public university in a major Midwestern city that is racially, ethnically, and socioeconomically diverse. The setting for Study 2 was Prince George's County, a predominantly African American, largely middle-class county near Washington, DC from which the student sample of middle school students was drawn. The setting for Study 3 was a large predominantly White “flagship” university located in a Midwest college town. Data Collection and Analysis Findings revealed that college students’ anticipated sense of belonging in various college majors was predicted by their social representations of the students that comprised those majors. Both White students and students of color anticipated more belonging in majors where they perceived their group to be represented. In Study 2, middle school students’ self-reported belonging in school predicted educational efficacy and ambitions of African American middle school students, but not of White students. Finally, in Study 3, self-reported feelings of belonging in the first weeks of college predicted second semester grades (from university transcripts) among stigmatized college students of color, but not White college students (Study 3). Taken together, we suggest a more nuanced understanding of belonging is essential to creating supportive schools for everyone.

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“…There are many examples of colorblind educational practices that do not take into account the unique identities of immigrant youth. Those include traditional English-only academic programs that are not responsive to the linguistic identities and needs of immigrant youth (García, 2009); K-12 tracking and limited access to Advanced Placement classes that, even when schools have bilingual programming in place, are usually only offered in English (Valenzuela, 1999); predominately white and monolingual teachers who are underprepared to serve immigrant youth with culturally and linguistically responsive content area instruction (García, 2009;Walqui, 2006); discipline policies that are racially and culturally normed on American schooling experiences that many immigrant youth are not accustomed to; limited opportunities to participate in extracurricular activities due to the fees associated with participation, limited transportation, after school jobs and other responsibilities (Gándara & Gibson, 2004); unaddressed concerns related to social and emotional health of immigrant students, many of whom who have experienced trauma or culture shock through the immigration process and being new to the country (C. Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001); narrow and limited approaches to family engagement that many times do not take into account the work schedules of immigrant families, cultural norms of teacher and family dynamics, linguistic barriers, status differences, and fear of deportation (C. Suárez-Orozco & Suárez-Orozco, 2001); and a limited approach or focus on the transition to postsecondary opportunities (C. Suárez-Orozco, Suárez-Orozco, & Todorova, 2009).…”

Section: School Leadershipmentioning

confidence: 99%

Leadership with and for Undocumented and Unaccompanied Minor Students: Resiliency, Resistance, and School Change for Racial Equity

Wiemelt

Maldonado

2018

Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education

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This chapter will examine the role of leadership for institutional change and racial equity as it relates to supporting undocumented and unaccompanied minor students in PK–1-12 schools. By utilizing Latin@ critical race theory (LatCrit), we will explore how the intersection of race and immigration influences how these students experience school. We will uncover the challenges and systemic oppression that students face while also highlighting the various forms of resilience and resistance that these students exhibit. By highlighting one school district, we will provide examples of what educational leaders can do to support undocumented and unaccompanied students and lead to institutional changes that result in creating more welcoming, supportive, and equitable schools and communities.

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School Connections: U.S. Mexican Youth, Peers, and School Achievement

Cited by 25 publications

References 0 publications

Do schools affect girls’ and boys’ reading performance differently? A multilevel study on the gendered effects of school resources and school practices

Do schools affect girls’ and boys’ reading performance differently? A multilevel study on the gendered effects of school resources and school practices

Race and Belonging in School: How Anticipated and Experienced Belonging Affect Choice, Persistence, and Performance

Leadership with and for Undocumented and Unaccompanied Minor Students: Resiliency, Resistance, and School Change for Racial Equity

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