<scp>EU</scp> Climate Norms in East‐Central <scp>E</scp>urope

Braun, Mats

doi:10.1111/jcms.12101

Cited by 30 publications

(20 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…Since that initial period however, further studies indicate that newer Member states particularly from Central and Eastern Europe, notably Poland (Jankowska 2017;Skjaerseth 2018) and the Czech Republic (Braun 2014) have started to cooperate with one another to weaken or temper the ambition of environmental (especially climate) policies. The so-called Visegrad states of Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic and Slovakia have held regular meetings to coordinate their positions in order to defend their interests in Council meetings (Wurzel et al 2019).…”

Section: !mentioning

confidence: 99%

In the eye of the storm? The European Parliament, the environment and the EU’s crises

Burns¹

2020

The European Parliament in the Contested Union

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The European Parliament (EP) has a long-established reputation as an Ôenvironmental championÕ. Yet environmental policy has potentially been profoundly and negatively affected by the conglomerate of crises that has beset the European Union since the late 2000s. There has been a swing to the right within the Parliament in recent elections, and the entry of a range environmentally-sceptic states to the EU, which may have led to weakening policy ambition. This article uses a mix of quantitative and qualitative data to analyse whether there has been a shift in the EPÕs treatment of legislation, such that it has tried to weaken the policy ambition of proposals since the late 2000s. The analysis finds limited evidence of a general trend to deliberately water down legislation, and overall suggests that despite a less favourable policy context the EP still can and does exercise a positive influence over EU environmental policy.

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Section: !mentioning

confidence: 99%

In the eye of the storm? The European Parliament, the environment and the EU’s crises

Burns¹

2020

The European Parliament in the Contested Union

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“…Decarbonisation has been associated with economic and consumer losses, and has been associated with reducing energy import dependence to only a limited extent. 95 CEE states have generally demanded, and received, concessions leading to less onerous targets and further financial assistance for their energy transition. 96 Economic arguments have also been increasingly influential in terms of constraining EU climate policy objectives, including those related to energy efficiency and renewables.…”

Section: Drivers Of Eu Energy and Renewable Energy Policy: Commitmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Future of EU-Russia Energy Relations in the Context of Decarbonisation

Khrushcheva

Maltby

2016

Geopolitics

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In 2013, there was a joint commitment to "long term strategic EU-Russia energy cooperation". 1 Whilst centred on oil and gas, it is noted that "the importance of renewables for EU-Russia energy relations should grow too", 2 and that for energy efficiency, "cooperation potential is immense and could […] contribute to the objective of a Pan-European energy area". 3 Given this shared objective, this article analyses EU and Russian energy decarbonisation policy objectives and considers the potential for a supplementary trade relationship based on renewable energy flows and decarbonisation related technology, as well as the implications for existing energy trade. Despite declarative statements of mutual interest, shared objectives and cooperation in decarbonisation policy, there has been very limited cooperation by early 2016. The EU has set ambitious plans to decarbonise its economy and energy sector by 2050. However, in Russia energy policy is dominated by hydrocarbon exports, decarbonisation targets are modest, and there are major problems with their implementation. The drivers of EU and Russian energy policies are evaluated, and the argument advanced is that different understandings of energy security and types of energy governance provide major obstacles to decarbonisation cooperation and trade. However, it is argued that ideas about energy policy and security are contested and subject to change and there exists significant potential for mutual gain and cooperation in the longer term.

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“…The clash between those two visions of how climate and energy policy ought to influence the economy seems to be at the heart of the problem (Braun, 2014). While the general economic objection against climate action can be easily rejected (the Stern review shows that tremendous future harm can be avoided by low overall reductions in GDP), particular national and regional conflicts of interests are nonetheless substantial and need to be taken seriously.…”

Section: The Politics Of Nonactionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Although universal considerations of climate justice and fairness need to be considered, other, more local, ideas of fairness and justice need to be taken seriously as well (compare: Braun, 2014). The anti-Brussels (and often anti-Berlin) counternarratives that emerge from the European 'periphery' (e.g., Southern and Central-Eastern Europe) show that intra-European equity and development is also significant for considering realistic climate action.…”

Section: The Politics Of Nonactionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Challenging the European Climate Debate: Can Universal Climate Justice and Economics be Reconciled with Particularistic Politics?

Creutzig

Hedahl

Rydge³

et al. 2014

Global Policy

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Researchers from various disciplines have built impressive but distinct compendia on climate change; the defining challenge for humanity. In the spirit of Lord Dahrendorf, this paper represents the output of interdisciplinary collaboration and integrates state-of-the-art academic expertise from the fields of philosophy, economics and governance. Our focus is on Europe, which is widely perceived as a leader in climate change mitigation and adaptation. However, leadership weakness on climate over recent years, largely due to recession and political vacillation, is eroding this perception. What is needed is a firm justification for strong climate action, acknowledgement of the available tools, awareness of the reasons for our failures to date, and a realistic, but goal-oriented strategy for an integrated climate policy. We therefore present current normative insights from climate justice research highlighting the need to make institutions responsive to those most vulnerable; we discuss the economics of the transition to a low-carbon economy, pointing to key policy instruments and post-2020 climate targets for the EU; we contrast the normative and quantitative synoptic principles with the particularistic implementation schemes and politics of (not) implementing measures on the ground; and we suggest a careful coordination of European climate policies with acute challenges that could increase both climate justice and political feasibility. Policy Implications• Climate justice demonstrates that action on climate change is a moral imperative.• Modern public economics provides a rich framework for examining the climate change problem through the lens of imperfect economies with policy for market failures.• Politics remain inadequate, as specific implementation schemes follow rationales that are decoupled from synoptic moral and economic principles.

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EU Climate Norms in East‐Central Europe

Cited by 30 publications

References 22 publications

In the eye of the storm? The European Parliament, the environment and the EU’s crises

In the eye of the storm? The European Parliament, the environment and the EU’s crises

The Future of EU-Russia Energy Relations in the Context of Decarbonisation

Challenging the European Climate Debate: Can Universal Climate Justice and Economics be Reconciled with Particularistic Politics?

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