Among the morpho-syntactic patterns by which Italo-Romance varieties code there sentences, a
peculiar structure surfaces in extreme southern varieties, particularly in Salento and in southern Calabria: this involves an
invariable 3rd person form of the outcome of habēre as the copula, with no agreement with the postcopular nominal, the
so-called pivot. Even though this pattern is attested in other Romance languages too, it proves, however, to be peculiar, insofar
as it hosts top-ranking definite NPs (especially 1st and 2nd person pronouns), which are generally disallowed within ‘to have’
there sentences in the Romance varieties. In the present paper, we infer that this pattern depends on the
contact with Italo-Greek, which displays similar constructions, with an invariant 3rd sg. form of ‘to have’, the lack of the
proform and the pivot marked as accusative. However, a diachronic investigation reveals that neither the extreme southern
Italo-Romance varieties nor Italo-Greek displayed in their Medieval stage a similar construction, since both of them exhibited the
definiteness effect. Sociolinguistic factors can account for how the two systems influenced each other by ruling out the
definiteness effect from the respective patterns at the end of the interference process.