Secular iconoclasm: purifying, privatizing, and profaning public faith

Howe, Nicolas

doi:10.1080/14649360903068092

Cited by 41 publications

(19 citation statements)

References 69 publications

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“…Holloway and Valins 2002;Howe 2009;Kong 1990Kong , 2001Yorgason and Della Dora 2009), but the remarks of Habermas (2006Habermas ( , 2008 on the alleged emergence of 'postsecular society' have recharged critical debate among geographers in recent years (Hackworth 2012;Hopkins, Kong, and Olson 2012;Kong 2010;Wilford 2010). As a consequence of Habermas' writings, these and a number of other scholars have taken up the concept of the postsecular to analyze current societal transformations regarding religion, democracy, diversity, and citizenship (Braidotti 2008;McLennan 2010).…”

Section: A Postsecular Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Public religion and urban space in Europe

Oosterbaan¹

2014

Social & Cultural Geography

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Conflicts related to demographic and cultural change in Europe regularly find their expression in struggles over the presence and visibility of religious buildings and groups. As this editorial argues, these conflicts can best be understood from a postsecular perspective that takes into account overlapping and diverging histories of state-formation and secularization. The papers collected for this special issue on public religion and urban space demonstrate that many of the difficulties that European societies face in accommodating religious diversity stem from historically formed relationships between national political identities and religious identities. In many European cases, secularization did not entail a fundamental separation between religion and politics but the formal establishment of one single national church or two competing ones, but territorially based national churches. One of the consequences of these types of establishments is that certain religious traditions are generally described and experienced as fitting with the nation and others are not. The contributors to this special issue show in detail that the struggles of contemporary religious movements in Europe to become present in the public domain are related to commonly accepted understandings of where and how religion should manifest itself in the urban environment, based on the public life of religious traditions that are considered part of the nation.

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Section: A Postsecular Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

Public religion and urban space in Europe

Oosterbaan¹

2014

Social & Cultural Geography

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“…While considered the domain of private consciousness since the time of John Locke, established churches in England and Scotland mean religion does not sit neatly within either the private or the public domain; even in secular polities, such as the USA, religious institutions enjoy a very public profile (Agnew 2006;Dijkink 2006;Howe 2009;Modood and Kastaryano 2006). Staeheli (1996) notes these domains can be sub-divided into acts and spaces.…”

Section: Publicity Privacy and Prayermentioning

confidence: 99%

Islam and the rural landscape: discourses of absence in west Wales

Jones¹

2010

Social & Cultural Geography

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Jones, R. D. (2010). Islam and the rural landscape: discourses of absence in west Wales. Social and Cultural Geography, 11 (8), 751-758, Article Number: PII 930191810,This paper explores the relationship between the presence and absence of Islamic communities in western Wales. Commencing with a discussion of the literatures on the geographies of Islam and rural exclusion, I argue that both sets have neglected research on rural religious communities. Discussion is centred upon the visual absence of Islam in the area, as local mosques are predominantly housed in contingent or non-purpose-built buildings. Using interview data, I examine the implications of these absences for local Muslims' experiences of rural landscapes, and discuss the juxtaposition between the visual absence of cultural indicators of Islam and the contingent strategies these communities employ to meet their religious needs. Adopting Nancy Fraser's concept of a subaltern counterpublic, I argue that the contingent presence in the landscape brings organisational possibilities. However, the lack of visibility of these counterpublics also brings challenges, fragmenting the community and creating difficulties for individuals to access particular services. This subterranean ontology has implications not only for liberal ideas of publicity and privacy, but also for inclusive citizenship in an era when debates about multiculturalism centre on accommodating religious needs.Peer reviewe

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“…It is also a rejoinder to approach more critically the unstable categories of 'the secular' and the 'sacred' and their geographies (Kong, 2001;Tse, 2014;Wilford, 2010). Recent work on the geographies of secularism which emphasizes how secularity is spatially defined and constituted, policed and contested (Gökariskel, 2009;Howe, 2009;Jazeel, 2013) is an important intervention by cultural geographers to the 'spatial turn' within religious studies (Knott, 2005;Tweed, 2006).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Why does religion matter for cultural geographers?

Dwyer

2016

Social & Cultural Geography

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Secular iconoclasm: purifying, privatizing, and profaning public faith

Cited by 41 publications

References 69 publications

Public religion and urban space in Europe

Public religion and urban space in Europe

Islam and the rural landscape: discourses of absence in west Wales

Why does religion matter for cultural geographers?

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