Secure Communities and Community Values: Local Context and Discretionary Immigration Law Enforcement

Chand, Daniel E.; Schreckhise, William D.

doi:10.1080/1369183x.2014.986441

Cited by 50 publications

(53 citation statements)

References 41 publications

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“…Previous research finds immigration policymaking is highly partisan (see especially Chavez & Provine, ; Gulasekaram & Ramakrishnan, ; Monogan, ; Ramakrishnan & Wong, ; Zingher, ). Studies also find a relationship between Republican support and deportations (Chand & Schreckhise, ; Jaeger, ; Jung ).…”

Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 98%

“…Jung () categorized counties according to how restrictively they administered the program. Chand and Schreckhise () found Republican‐leaning counties reported more deportations, while Jaeger () contends partisanship predicts deportations where counties have sufficiently large policing budgets. Pedroza () found variation in how much states targeted noncitizens arrested for serious offenses versus other offenses.…”

Section: The Secure Communities Program and Its Relevance For Minoritmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Deportation Discretion: Tiered Influence, Minority Threat, and “Secure Communities” Deportations

Pedroza¹

2018

Policy Studies Journal

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As deportations from the United States rose to unprecedented levels, a nationwide immigration enforcement program Secure Communities helped identify deportable noncitizens under arrest in county jails. Examining county‐level variation in deportation activity between 2008 and 2013, this paper contributes to immigration policy research by examining how county officials in some locations facilitated exceptionally restrictive deportation outcomes while others exercised the discretion to turn noncitizens over for deportation sparingly. Consistent with a hypothesized “tiered influence” relationship, but contrary to a “racial threat” hypothesis, Hispanic concentration predicts the highest levels of exercised discretion where Hispanic concentration is neither too small nor too large. Noncitizens under arrest seem to have benefited from above‐average Hispanic concentrations, except in counties where Hispanics exceed about 40 percent of the population.

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Section: Datamentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: The Secure Communities Program and Its Relevance For Minoritmentioning

confidence: 99%

Deportation Discretion: Tiered Influence, Minority Threat, and “Secure Communities” Deportations

Pedroza¹

2018

Policy Studies Journal

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“…, I include the unemployment rate from the Bureau of Labor Statistics (2011) as well as the state's percentage of GDP coming from construction (U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis 2014) and fruits and vegetables (U.S. Department of Agriculture 2010), two industries that asChand and Schreckhise (2015) point out are often reliant on undocumented labor. In addition, I include the county's median household income (U.S. Census Bureau, Small Area Income and Poverty Estimates Program 2013) to account for the possibility that because communities with higher incomes are often more concerned about the fiscal burdens that immigration brings(Facchini and Mayda 2009;Hanson, Scheve, and Slaughter 2007), they may be more prone to implementing the S-Comm mandate.…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

Securing Communities or Profits? The Effect of Federal-Local Partnerships on Immigration Enforcement

Jaeger

2016

State Politics Policy Q.

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Leading theories of local responses to immigration claim that ideology drives policy differences. However, these studies focus exclusively on policy adoption, neglecting whether or not ideological preferences also govern the extent to which local actors choose to cooperate with federal immigration initiatives. To account for this shortcoming, I use zero-inflated negative binomial regression to assess county-level deportations resulting from local participation in the Secure Communities program. I find that existing financial and structural resources as well as financial incentives are strong determinants of county deportation levels. Furthermore, there is no evidence to suggest that conservative counties produce more deportations. Instead, the size of a county's policing budget moderates the relationship between ideological orientations and deportation outcomes. With federal-local policy partnerships on the rise, these findings provide an important foundation for developing a better framework to understand the implications of such partnerships for policy implementation. In short, this article suggests that although policy adoption may be a politicized process, local compliance with federal initiatives is highly dependent on the resource constraints and incentives of the actors involved.

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“…Some local authorities have refused to adhere to national (exclusionary) approaches, by choosing to support irregular migrants (Varsanyi 2006;Davies et al 2017;Ambrosini 2018); while others have shown varying degrees of willingness to grant, and difficulty in dealing with, reception for (otherwise stranded) asylum seekers (e.g. Davis et al 2016); others still have designed interventions that reinforce the exclusionary nature of national policies (Gilbert 2009;Chand and Schreckhise 2015;Gargiulo 2017).…”

Section: Reception In Transit Places: the Academic Literaturementioning

confidence: 99%

Dispersal and Reception in Northern Italy: Comparing Systems Along the Brenner Route

Semprebon

Pelacani

2019

IMISCOE Research Series

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In the last decades, policy restrictions and practices at national and local levels have curtailed the rights of seekers and holders of international protection, thus impacting on their lives and on the territories they transit through. This is particularly evident in border contexts. Various border areas have gradually transformed into internal hotspots, with increasing border enforcement. This includes Brenner, situated at the border between Italy and Austria. In the wider Brenner route area, particularly in the nearby Italian cities of Verona, Trento and Bolzano, “spaces of transit” have emerged and both public and humanitarian actors have been “forced” to deal with it. This chapter draws upon the work of the multilevel governance of migration (Caponio and Borkert 2010), and on the proliferation of borders (Mezzadra and Neilson 2016), to present a comparative analysis of the reception scenario in these three cities. By building on qualitative data analysis (legal analysis of policy documents, content analysis of interviews and newspaper articles), it discusses to what extent and how the respective local systems of reception have managed to cater for migrants that transit through them. Similarities and differences are pointed out, as well as the relevance of factors such as geographical proximity in influencing the respective approaches.

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Secure Communities and Community Values: Local Context and Discretionary Immigration Law Enforcement

Cited by 50 publications

References 41 publications

Deportation Discretion: Tiered Influence, Minority Threat, and “Secure Communities” Deportations

Deportation Discretion: Tiered Influence, Minority Threat, and “Secure Communities” Deportations

Securing Communities or Profits? The Effect of Federal-Local Partnerships on Immigration Enforcement

Dispersal and Reception in Northern Italy: Comparing Systems Along the Brenner Route

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