2018
DOI: 10.1093/afraf/ady015
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Security sector reform and civil-military relations in postwar Côte d’Ivoire

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Cited by 11 publications
(11 citation statements)
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“…This often involves reforming the formal military apparatus and including members of armed wing of the rebellion and its affiliate militias in a newly structured national army. Consistent with the principal-agent logic often used to model the relationship between states and militias, new ruling elites can expect less shirking and a lower risk of betrayal if the military has elements of the non-state groups that brought them to power, especially relative to the military they recently defeated (Martin 2018). In combination with the significant and positive relationship between Rebel Victory and militia disintegration, this result suggests that rebel non-state forces rarely function well as auxiliaries or repressive forces in the post-war environment: they must either be appeased and integrated or suppressed if political tension, social unrest, or renewed conflict is to be avoided (Steinert, Steinert, and Carey 2019).…”
Section: Results and Analysismentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…This often involves reforming the formal military apparatus and including members of armed wing of the rebellion and its affiliate militias in a newly structured national army. Consistent with the principal-agent logic often used to model the relationship between states and militias, new ruling elites can expect less shirking and a lower risk of betrayal if the military has elements of the non-state groups that brought them to power, especially relative to the military they recently defeated (Martin 2018). In combination with the significant and positive relationship between Rebel Victory and militia disintegration, this result suggests that rebel non-state forces rarely function well as auxiliaries or repressive forces in the post-war environment: they must either be appeased and integrated or suppressed if political tension, social unrest, or renewed conflict is to be avoided (Steinert, Steinert, and Carey 2019).…”
Section: Results and Analysismentioning
confidence: 99%
“…If a government chooses not to disintegrate its militias, it will sometimes absorb them into the official military. This can be a useful strategy for co-opting certain groups (Staniland 2015), but integrating untrained, violent, and possibly unruly armed militants may also impair the military's coherence, organizational structure and operational efficacy (Krebs and Licklider 2015;Martin 2018). Military integration is a costly process that requires the investment of resources as well as institutional buy-in from the regular military corps, 3 and overcoming these hurdles still does not guarantee that integration will subdue these new units, let alone satisfy their independent interests (Krebs and Licklider 2015).…”
Section: Military Organizational Capacity and Militia Integrationmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Hall 2014; P. A. Martin 2018). Increasing trust over time can increase confidence in the quality of intelligence provided by ex-rebels, though this may also work in the other direction, with vital intelligence tips helping build trust.…”
Section: Knowledge and Network: Intelligence Benefits Of Military Integrationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…However, users should exercise caution so as to not conflate entries as independent events. For example, Martin's recent assessment of civil-military relations in Coˆte d'Ivoire reports over 40 mutinous events in the country in 2017 alone (Martin, 2018). Aside from using a far broader definition that combines different types of activities, a review of the data suggests that ACLED records a conflict event as a distinct/separate event if it occurs in different locations, leading to duplicates.…”
Section: Location Distinctionmentioning
confidence: 99%