Actas Del XXVI Congreso Internacional De Lingüística Y Filología Románica 2013
DOI: 10.1515/9783110299892.497
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Semivocals i estructura sil·làbica: un estudi comparatiu entre el català i el castellà

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Cited by 2 publications
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“…First, the colon is not a widely accepted prosodic category. Second, assuming that Catalan has iambic feet contradicts well known facts of truncation patterns in Catalan (Cabré 1993), among other aspects. But the problem with assuming that encliticised sequences in Mallorca and Menorca Catalan apply an iambic pattern is the existence of the perfectly right-aligned moraic trochee pattern found in Formentera Catalan.…”
Section: Alternative Analyses and Discussionmentioning
confidence: 89%
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“…First, the colon is not a widely accepted prosodic category. Second, assuming that Catalan has iambic feet contradicts well known facts of truncation patterns in Catalan (Cabré 1993), among other aspects. But the problem with assuming that encliticised sequences in Mallorca and Menorca Catalan apply an iambic pattern is the existence of the perfectly right-aligned moraic trochee pattern found in Formentera Catalan.…”
Section: Alternative Analyses and Discussionmentioning
confidence: 89%
“…Leaving this debate aside, previous work by Serra (1996) and Vallverdú (1997) framed within OT has argued that it is indeed possible to draw a regular mechanism of stress assignment in Catalan, governed by the grammar (that is, by a specific constraint hierarchy). The authors, following Cabré (1993) and Cabré & Kenstowicz (1995), claim that the unmarked foot in Catalan is trochaic (which derives from the ranking Trochee Iamb , and which represents that the head of the foot is initial and not final); that feet are constructed from right to left (a consequence of the activity of the constraint Align (Foot, Right, PWd, Right)); that the integration of syllables into feet is not exhaustive in that there are no alternating stresses (by means of the mentioned alignment constraint outranking Parse - , according to which all syllables must be parsed into feet); that feet must be minimally and maximally bimoraic (as a consequence of the high ranking of Foot-Binarity - ); and that stress in Catalan is sensitive to weight (for which they resort to the crucial ranking of the constraint Weight-to-Stress , according to which heavy syllables are metrically prominent, and which yields final stress in consonant-final words like enemic ‘enemy’ – a behaviour which can also be taken as evidence for mora-defined feet). The study of stress in lexical categories other than nominal forms has received much less attention.…”
Section: Discussionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Except for Mascaró (1984), Alsina (2016), Wheeler (2005), and Serra (1992Serra ( /1993, who consider main stress as generally unpredictable in underived words, most accounts of Catalan stress accept the role of syllable weight as crucial and agree upon the efficiency of the right-aligned moraic trochee to predict the stress location in non-verbal word classes (Cabré 1993;Serra 1996;Vallverdú 1997;Bonet/Lloret 1998;Grau Sempere 2006a; Torres-Tamarit/Bonet 2019; Torres-Tamarit/ Pons-Moll 2019). Aside from Torres-Tamarit/Pons-Moll (2019), even the scholars who are skeptical about the stress-attracting capacity of word-final heavy syllables agree that antepenultimate stress is heavily marked in words with a closed, prefinal syllable.…”
Section: Catalanmentioning
confidence: 99%