836 michael a. bailey, forrest maltzman, & charles r. shipan also Devins and Fisher 2004; Fisher 1988; Ackerman 1991). According to Whittington, this power was gradually ceded to the courts by the elected branches of government through distinctly political (as opposed to legal or constitutional) processes, and the elected branches retain the ability to exercise or reclaim some of this power in certain circumstances (Whittington 2007, 2009). In the early years of the republic, according to Whittington, there were two competing theories of constitutional power: judicial supremacy and departmentalism. Judicial supremacy, as the name implies, holds that the judicial branch is the ultimate constitutional authority, while departmentalism (favored by Thomas Jefferson, among others) envisions each branch of government playing a role in constitutional interpretation (Whittington 2007, xi). While conventional wisdom holds that judicial review and judicial supremacy sprang suddenly into being through the legal maneuverings of the Marshall Court in the Marbury v. Madison decision, Whittington argues that these concepts developed gradually throughout the nineteenth century. (2007, 2009) "[B]y the 1850s," according to Whittington, "the federal courts had become a forum within which constitutional objections to federal legislation could be raised and resolved" (2009, 1259). By the mid-twentieth century, the time of the Warren Court, the doctrine of judicial supremacy had clearly won out, to the point where the Court explicitly stated in Baker v. Carr (1962) that it was the "ultimate interpreter of the Constitution" (cited in Whittington 2007, 3). According to Whittington, however, this state of affairs was not merely the result of the actions of the Court itself. The elected branches of government played a role in transferring supreme constitutional authority to the judicial branch because it was in their political interests to do so. Whittington offers a number of scenarios in which judicial supremacy could be advantageous to elected leaders. For example, the leaders of an embattled governing coalition can avoid making unpopular decisions by deferring to the judgment of the Court, as President Buchanan did on the question of slavery in the 1850s and President Carter did on the question of abortion in the 1970s (Whittington 2007, 66-9). In other words, judicial supremacy offers a way for elected leaders to attempt to depoliticize controversial issues that threaten their governing coalitions. Similarly, judicial supremacy may offer elected leaders the opportunity to attain desirable policy outcomes without incurring the transaction costs of organizing coalitions in the elected branches. Graber (1993, 36) articulates this argument: Historically, the justices have most often exercised their power to declare state and federal practices unconstitutional only when the dominant national coalition is unable or unwilling to settle some public dispute. The justices in these circumstances do not merely fill a void created by the legislati...