, 1978] framework for the sex typing of power strategies was examined. Female and male subjects rated the extent to which they used a number of power strategies in order to get their way with others. Subjects also rated their perceptions of the extent to which either men-in-general or women-in-general used the strategies. Partial support for Johnson's framework was found in that males reported greater use of "masculine"-typed strategies than did females, though they did not report using these strategies more than "feminine"-typed ones. Females did not report significantly greater use of feminine strategies than did males, though they reported using more feminine-than masculinetyped strategies. Data also indicated that both males and females held similar gender-consistent sex-stereotyped perceptions of the power strategies used by men-in-general and women-ingeneral. Comparison of self-report ratings with usage attributions for men-in-general and women-in-general revealed that both male and female subjects perceived themselves to use most of the strategies less often and to be more inclined to use socially desirable strategies involving reason and logic and compromise.gender studies | gender differences | sex roles | interpersonal power | power strategies Keywords:
Article:Traditionally, men have been considered to be the power wielders in our society. In comparison to women, men have had easier access to sources of influence, such as money and position, and more opportunity to exercise power over others. This important experiential difference has no doubt led to the conclusion, if not the fact, that the existing gender differences in the use of power is related to sex role socialization processes (Johnson, 1976(Johnson, , 1978, gender-appropriate expectations of male and female behavior (Thompson, 1981), and differential distributions of males and females into roles of differing status (Eagly, 1983).