Shamanic Tourism in the Peruvian Lowlands: Critical and Ethical Considerations

Abstract

This article examines the phenomenon of shamanic tourism, which began in Amazonia in the 1980s. The author has researched the phenomenon since the early 2000swhile it was still at its infancy-in Iquitos, Peru, which is today considered the mecca of shamanic tourism. Contemporary Amazonian shamanism emerged as a response to the violent and disruptive process of the rubber boom; however, in the context of tourism, it is viewed as the healing force for bodily and mental ailments that stem from what is perceived as the West's spiritual impoverishment. The article reviews the phenomenon of shamanic tourism and the challenges it presents in the 21st century, situating it within larger scholarly conversations on ethnic tourism and cultural appropriation. Finally, potential avenues for future research are presented. [Amazonia, ayahuasca, shamanic tourism, shamanism] R e s u m e n Este artículo examina el fenómeno del turismo chamánico, que comenzó en la Amazonía en la década de 1980. He investigado el fenómeno desde principios de la década de 2000-cuando todavía estaba en su infancia-en Iquitos, Perú, hoy considerado la meca del turismo chamánico. Aunque el chamanismo amazónico contemporáneo surgió como una respuesta al proceso violento y disruptivo del auge del caucho, en el contexto del turismo, es visto como la fuerza curativa para las dolencias corporales y mentales que se derivan de lo que se percibe como el empobrecimiento espiritual del Occidente. El artículo revisa el fenómeno del turismo chamánico y los desafíos que presenta en el siglo XXI situándolo dentro de conversaciones académicas sobre turismo

Relational Processes in Ayahuasca Groups of Palestinians and Israelis

“…When Arab-Palestinian participants join ceremonies in Israel, they are dependent on Jewish-Israelis to support and facilitate their process. The observed moments of recognition through singing are also moments of independence as the one who is ‘being healed’ is now becoming a ‘healer.’ Within the Amazon, when the colonized becomes a ‘healer’ a new form of relationship is established which can transcend – to some extent, but not completely - the old extractive and abusive mentality of the colonizer-colonized relation ( Saéz, 2014 ; Fotiou, 2020 ) - and this notion which might be true to the Amazon is glimpsed in the middle east.…”

“…The second vehicle is via shamanic tourism ( Fotiou, 2010b ; Fotiou, 2020 ) in which mainly western seekers travel to the Amazon (or other locations in the world in which ayahuasca is legal or decriminalized), and partake in ayahuasca ceremonies seeking psycho-spiritual growth ( Winkelman, 2005 ). Shamanic tourists and seekers are in a quest to ‘heal’ from what they perceive as the maladies of western culture, and criticism toward western culture is at the root of this pursuit for healing by the non-western ‘other’ ( Gearin, 2016b ; Fotiou, 2020 ). In these contexts, a group gathers for a couple of days to few weeks, but usually does not stay in touch afterward.…”

“…In these contexts, a group gathers for a couple of days to few weeks, but usually does not stay in touch afterward. These ceremonies, programs, or retreats tend to combine religious and therapeutic elements ( Fotiou, 2020 ) and sometimes mix traditional ayahuasca shamanism with western theory and styles of psychotherapy ( Loizaga-Velder and Verres, 2014 ; Marcus and Fotiou, 2019 ). As the western travelers seek psychospiritual personal healing, the interpretative framework is sometimes psychologized, and the practice is sanitized from what is considered by westerners as ‘darker’ aspects of Amazonian shamanism, like sorcery ( Fotiou, 2010a ; Brabec De Mori, 2014 ).…”

“…In many indigenous and mestizo cultures the ingestion of psychedelics was not just for individual treatment, but for socially constructive purposes embodied in public rituals (La Barre, 1938Barre, /1975Furst, 1972;Hofmann and Schultes, 1979;Dobkin De Rios, 1984;Rätsch, 2005) where they supported the creation of social identity (Reichel-Dolmatoff, 1978;Taussig, 1987;Andritzky, 1989;Winkelman, 2010;Guerra-Doce, 2015;Langdon, 2016), and supported intercultural and interethnic exchange as well (Gow, 1994;Brabec de Mori, 2011;Langdon, 2013;Fotiou, 2020). While acknowledging that ayahuasca shamanism was designed and diffused under colonial pressure (Taussig, 1987;Gow, 1994;Brabec de Mori, 2011)-and that what is perceived as traditional or authentic is the product of a complex feedback loop between indigenous people, academics and tourists (Langdon, 2013;Saéz, 2014;Fotiou, 2020) -the creation of social identities through the use of ayahuasca is considered by some as both personally and politically important (Langdon, 2016). Some argue that ayahuasca shamanism is supporting dialogue between indigenous people and western society which is beyond the unidirectional forces of colonization, extraction and appropriation, though it is still impacted by such colonial forces (Langdon, 2013;Fotiou, 2020).…”

“…We acknowledge, however, that ‘shaman’ is a name given by westerners to Amazonian practitioners and it actually originates from Siberia. Yet, important to note, that although the term shaman might be problematic, it is also the name currently used by many indigenous and mestizo people, and shamanism can be seen as a dynamic practice that was developed, and is still developing, through the interaction between western, indigenous and mestizo/caboclo people ( Fotiou, 2020 ).…”