Shifting Representations of Citizenship: Canadian Politics of "Women" and "Children"

Children (but not women) first: New Labour, child welfare and gender

“…A Status of Canada Women report argues that the discourse has served to make the structural causes of poverty less visible; to encourage a response motivated by pity for the helpless child alongside a mentality of blaming adults/mothers; and to displace women's issues generally and women's poverty specifically. The report suggests that 'rather than connecting the plight of children with the costs of parenting labour, child poverty discourse separates mothers from children and obscures the persistently gendered nature of caregiving labour and its consequences for women as a group' (Wiegers, 2002: 56; see also Stasiulis, 2002;Dobrowolsky, 2004;Dobrowolsky and Jenson, 2004;Morrow et al, 2004).…”

Men's Rights and Feminist Advocacy in Canadian Domestic Violence Policy Arenas

“…Finally, they must demonstrate commitment to collective efforts to eradicate social harm through partnership and dialogue. They must show that they are willing and able to play the communitycivility game mandated for our advanced liberal moment (Barnes et al, 2004;Cherlin, 2004;Dobrowolsky & Jenson, 2004;Hunt, 1997Hunt, , 1999Rose, 1999). Building on their respective identities and deploying their respective discourses, feminist anti-domestic violence advocates repeatedly do so; men's advocates, in contrast, repeatedly do not.…”

“…The primary technology of rule supporting this new citizenship regime (Dobrowolsky & Jenson, 2004) is ethical subjectification (Hunt, 1997(Hunt, , 1999Rose, 1999;Rose & Valverde, 1998). As Hunt (1997) and other governance scholars frame this, we are made up, and we are enjoined to make up ourselves, as citizens who will freely and fairly play the "community-civility game" (Rose, 1999, p. 188), not just in private contexts but, as important, in public interactions, including especially interactions with officials (Barnes et al, 2004).…”

“…Consistent with a Canada-wide shift to a focus on children (Dobrowolsky & Jenson, 2004), the final roundtable report mutes or "obscures" (National Council of Women of Canada, n.d.) consideration of gender while prioritizing the needs and interests of children. Definitions and solutions, however, remain consistent with understanding and recommendations of anti-domestic violence service providers.…”

The Harper Government's New Right Neoliberal Agenda and the Dismantling of Status of Women Canada and the Family Violence Initiative

“…Across these arenas, men's rights advocates are vehement that men are equal or primary victims of family violence, and that their victimization is in large part a consequence of feminist-influenced laws that both deny men's victimization and demonize and disenfranchise men. Disparaging official statistics that unequivocally identify women and girls as the principle victims of intimate violence, and taking specific aim at Status of Women Canada, Canadian men's rights advocates and their so-called pro-family allies have long demanded that the Government of Canada either provide equal funding for specialized services for men, or cease funding advocacy and support services for women (for review and analysis of these arguments, see Bertoia and Drakich 1993;Young 2002, 2007;Dragiewicz 2007, 2014;Dobrowolsky and Jenson 2004;Dragiewicz 2008Dragiewicz , 2011Erwin 1993;Girard 2009;Mann 2005Mann , 2008Mann , 2012Menzies 2007;Minaker and Snider 2006;Rosen, Dragiewicz and Gibbs 2009;Snow and Moffitt 2012).…”