Should and Does Compulsory Voting Reduce Inequality?

Kouba, K; Myšička, Stanislav

doi:10.1177/2158244018817141

Cited by 9 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…But CV does not only substantially increase turnout, but also the casting of invalid (blank/null) votes which do not decide who gets to be elected (Power and Garand, 2007;Kouba and Lysek, 2016;Martinez i Coma and Werner, 2019). As this countercurrent of CV lacks any representative consequences, depending on the share of invalid ballots cast, it may substantially reduce or even erase any effect that CV exercises on turnout (Kouba and Mysicka, 2019). This is troubling for theories that rely on the representative consequences of CV.…”

Section: The Revisionist Argumentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Where is the class bias attenuation? The consequences of adopting compulsory voting in Austria-Hungary in 1907

Kouba

2021

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

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Adopting compulsory voting (CV) legislation is expected to produce near-universal turnout, which in turn is assumed to iron out class-based differences in political influence and representation. The article traces the historical process generating the sequential adoption of CV in 8 of the 17 Cisleithanian crownlands of the Austro-Hungarian empire in 1907 and 1911, and leverages a difference-in-differences (DiD) method to estimate its causal effect on turnout and voting patterns in elections to the Imperial Council. Exploiting unique data on the turnout of citizens based on their occupational categories, it further examines whether the adoption of CV attenuated class bias in turnout. Despite a large boost to turnout, CV neither increased support for parties representing the working classes, nor attenuated the class bias in turnout.

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Section: The Revisionist Argumentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Where is the class bias attenuation? The consequences of adopting compulsory voting in Austria-Hungary in 1907

Kouba

2021

Eur. Pol. Sci. Rev.

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“…A expectativa dos estudiosos é que essa desigualdade aconteça em países que utilizam o voto compulsório. Esse é inclusive o argumento dos defensores da obrigatoriedade do voto (Gallego, 2015;Kouba and Mysicka, 2019;Lijphart, 1997).…”

Section: A Taxa De Comparecimento Em 2022unclassified

Afinal, Quem Foi Votar Em 2022

Nicolau

2024

Cad CRH

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A eleição presidencial de 2022 foi a mais competitiva das já realizadas no país. Em uma disputa com resultados tão incertos, detalhes pouco considerados em pleitos passados poderiam fazer diferença para o resultado. Entre esses, a abstenção eleitoral ganhou um destaque especial nos dois turnos. A crença de que a taxa de comparecimento poderia influenciar o resultado da eleição orientou os coordenadores das campanhas de Lula e Bolsonaro a agir em favor do comparecimento eleitoral ao longo da reta final da campanha. Este trabalho analisa as taxas de comparecimento e o perfil sociodemográfico dos eleitores que foram às urnas e os que se abstiveram do pleito nos dois turnos em 2022. Também analisaremos o perfil daqueles que justificam o voto. Os resultados apontam que a taxa de comparecimento das eleições de 2022 (79% no primeiro turno, 80% no segundo turno) é semelhante à de eleições anteriores. A novidade é que o percentual dos eleitores que compareceram no segundo turno foi, pela primeira vez, superior aos do primeiro turno.

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“…2239 wskazuje udział w głosowaniu jako obowiązek katolików, ponadto osobom o sprecyzowanym światopoglądzie łatwiej identyfikować się z konkretną partią), gęstość zaludnienia (Knack, Kropf 2003;Skorupska 2018;Superti 2020; tutaj istotną rolę odgrywa gęstość sieci społecznych i kontrola społeczna) czy saldo migracji wewnętrznych (Fatke, Heinsohn 2017; dodatnie saldo migracji wskazuje na atrakcyjność danego obszaru). Czynniki stymulujące wzrost odsetka nieważnych głosów to tymczasem: bezrobocie (Driscoll, Nelson 2014;Fatke, Heinsohn 2017;Kouba, Lysek 2016, zwłaszcza jako wyraz protestu wobec złej sytuacji gospodarczej), wiek (Fatke, Heinsohn 2017;Haman 2021;Lundell, Högström 2021;Stiefbold 1965; osoby starsze i bardzo młode posiadają mniejsze kompetencje w zakresie procedur wyborczych), zamieszkanie na terenach rolniczych (Gendźwiłł 2015;Kouba, Mysicka 2019;Ptak 2012;Śleszyński 2015;Stiefbold 1965; zwiazane z niskim wykształceniem rolników, ale też mniejszym niż wśród mieszkań-ców miast zainteresowaniem wyborami centralnymi) oraz odsetek imigrantów zagranicznych (Knack, Kropf 2003;Lundell, Högström 2021;McAllister, Makkai 1993; mniejsze zainteresowanie bieżącą polityką, problemy językowe). W kontekście polskim bardzo istotne jest regionalno-historyczne zróżnicowanie kraju.…”

Section: Nieważne Głosy -Kontekst Teoretycznyunclassified

“…W literaturze światowej analizy nieważnych głosów pojawiają się najczęściej w trzech kontekstach: opracowania dotyczące pojedynczych elekcji (Knack, Kropf 2003;Driscoll, Nelson 2014;Kouba, Mysicka 2019;Superti 2020), studia porównawcze na poziomie państw (Power, Garand 2007;Kouba, Lysek 2016;Lysek i in. 2020), a także analizy długoterminowe oparte na jednostkach administracyjnych pojedynczych państw (Stiefbold 1965;Power, Roberts 1995;Haman 2021;Lundell, Högström 2021).…”

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Widać zabory? Analiza zróżnicowania przestrzennego nieważnych głosów w wyborach centralnych w Polsce w latach 2004–2019

Skorupska

2023

PiSG

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The percentage of invalid votes in national elections in Poland, has not been studied as extensively as in the case of local elections. There are many research gaps in this area, starting with the description of the spatial patterns of this diverse phenomenon. This article has this main goal: to describe the spatial patterns of the percentage of invalid votes in the elections to the Sejm, the European Parliament and the President of the Republic of Poland in the years 2004–2019. The key of this study is a long-term analysis of the above-mentioned problem, as well as a look at the changes taking place in space-temporal terms. For this purpose, the methods of comparative map analysis, spatial classification and statistical analysis: Kruskal-Wallis and Student’s t-tests were used. The most important conclusion from this work is the universality of spatial patterns of the percentage of invalid votes in the case of elections to the Sejm and the European Parliament and some differences in the case of presidential elections. The persistence of interregional differences is also noticeable, but we can observe strengthening of these differences in the case of parliamentary and presidential elections, and weakening in the case of elections to the European Parliament. The article also presents an explanation for the significant increase of invalid votes in the Bydgoszcz district in the 2005 Sejm elections, which was caused by the unusual design of the brochure ballot card.

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Should and Does Compulsory Voting Reduce Inequality?

Cited by 9 publications

References 37 publications

Where is the class bias attenuation? The consequences of adopting compulsory voting in Austria-Hungary in 1907

Where is the class bias attenuation? The consequences of adopting compulsory voting in Austria-Hungary in 1907

Afinal, Quem Foi Votar Em 2022

Widać zabory? Analiza zróżnicowania przestrzennego nieważnych głosów w wyborach centralnych w Polsce w latach 2004–2019

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