Sinn Féin, the Past and Political Strategy: The Provisional Irish Republican Movement and the Politics of ‘Reconciliation’

Abstract

This article examines a critical aspect of the contemporary political debate in Northern Ireland regarding 'the past', and how to deal with the legacies of violent conflict. The article will specifically analyse the Provisional republican movement's developing policy in this area. It outlines Sinn Féin's (SF's) policy evolution with regard to ideas of 'truth and reconciliation' in the context of the post-Belfast Agreement era of 'peace'. It proceeds to critically assess the Republican movement's demands for an independent and international process of 'truth recovery', and subsequently engages in a detailed critique of SF's recent promotion of a 'reconciliation strategy', designed to enhance the movement's strategic agenda, and usher in a new phase in the 'peace process'. The article concludes by arguing that SF's approach to 'truth and reconciliation' has been characterised by an emphasis upon the movement's efforts to legitimise its version of the historical narrative of the Troubles, rather than by any authentic attempt to address self-critically the previous commitment to 'armed struggle', or to seek genuine compromise with unionists, loyalists and the broader Protestant population. This approach has also been formulated for an internal audience, with the goal of convincing republicans that progress towards a united Ireland has not stalled.

Derry, Bloody Sunday, and the “Great Sea-Change”

“…Colin's argument must be seen in the context of Sinn Féin's sometimes contradictory and evolving stance on legacy of violence issues in Northern Ireland (Hopkins 2015). Politically, Sinn Féin seeks simultaneously to retain its antiimperial armed revolutionism credentials whilst simultaneously transforming into a palatable mainstream Irish political party.…”

‘Let Me Tell You’: Transitional Justice, Victimhood and Dealing with a Contested Past

“…no distinction should be drawn between the needs of victims and survivors in our society' (Kearney, 2015). In the attempt to legitimize the actions of armed republicans and delegitimize those of the British state, this definition of victimhood speaks to the argument that the conflict was political in nature, and reflects the long-held view that institutional discrimination under the Stormont regime, oppressive policing and 'occupation' by the British army was a source of victimization for the nationalist and republican community (Hopkins, 2015;Shirlow and McEvoy, 2008).…”

Memory in Post-Conflict Societies: From Contention to Integration?

“…At this intra-bloc level, a retrenchment of conservative and even moderate politics occurs as the two main unionist and nationalist parties -the DUP and SF respectively -seek to colonize the political space that was once the preserve of more 'moderate' parties 7 such as the SDLP on the Catholic-nationalist 'side' and the UUP, which has been mainly supported by Protestant-unionist voters.Although it is perhaps not as immediately apparent, a degree of underbidding is also discernible (and logically necessary) at the inter-bloc level. For example, this has been observed in the DUP's purported targeting of conservative, traditional Catholic voters through their hard-line stances against abortion and gay marriage (Tonge et al, 2015), and through SF's attempts at unionist 'outreach' by speaking of a willingness to hold 'uncomfortable conversations' about the past (Hopkins, 2015;McGrattan, 2016). While there may not be many immediate returns in terms of electoral capital in such activity -even under PR-STV vote transfers across the ethno-religious divide are minimal -a certain amount of political cache may reside in offsetting fears and suspicions among out-bloc voters.…”