Social and object support for early symbolic play

Striano, Tricia; Tomasello, Michael; Rochat, Philippe

doi:10.1111/1467-7687.00186

Cited by 93 publications

(82 citation statements)

References 21 publications

(31 reference statements)

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“…when children were only naming the characters upon request, those nouns were not coded for animacy. Moreover, Striano et al (2001) have shown that before two years of age, children have symbolic skills with gestures but not with objects. Here again, we used our knowledge of the children's development, together with a close consideration of context, to decide on the coding.…”

Section: Animatesmentioning

confidence: 99%

CATEGORIES IN THE MAKING: Assessing the role of semantics in the acquisition of noun and verb categories

Rossi

Parisse

2012

French Language Studies

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Little is known about what guides children in their acquisition of grammatical categories. This paper investigates how semantic knowledge could be involved in discovering these categories, thus confronting two competing hypotheses: are semantic categories innate, or are they developed in a piecemeal fashion? We tested for regular associations between basic semantic dimensions and the development of the founding categories of noun and verb. Six perceptually based semantic dimensions (Parisse and Poulain, 2010), shared by nouns and verbs but potentially distinctive, are coded in the productions of three children aged 1;06 to 2;06. Our results suggest that semantic dimensions do not offer an entry into the early differentiation of noun and verb categories.

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Section: Animatesmentioning

confidence: 99%

CATEGORIES IN THE MAKING: Assessing the role of semantics in the acquisition of noun and verb categories

Rossi

Parisse

2012

French Language Studies

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“…Children tend to look to adults' faces much more after pretending (Striano, Tomasello, & Rochat, 2001), and perhaps adults show the same behavior. Looking can serve to communicate meaning (Fehr & Exline, 1987), and clearly is in the service of coordinated joint attention (Carpenter, Nagell, & Tomasello, 1998).…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 98%

Signs of Pretense Across Age and Scenario

Lillard

Nishida

Massaro

et al. 2007

Infancy

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Participation in imagined worlds is a hallmark of the human species, and yet we know little about the context of its early emergence. The experiments reported here replicated and extended in 2 directions Lillard and Witherington's (2004) study of how mothers pretend to have snacks, across different ages of children (15-to 24-month-olds, Experiment 1) and to a different scenario (personal grooming, Experiment 2). Mothers' pretend behaviors changed little as infants aged, but there were some scenario differences. Most striking in this research was the consistency with which particular maternal pretend behaviors were associated with children engaging in pretense behaviors and smiling. The findings are discussed with reference to the child's emerging skills in joint attention and social referencing.Humans' ability to participate in worlds beyond the here and now is a hallmark of the species, foundational to planning, invention, art, and much else (Walton, 1990). Pretend play is one of the earliest clear instances of such participation, yet we know little about the context of its emergence. In an earlier study, Lillard and Witherington (2004) examined mothers' behaviors when pretending to have a snack of imaginary Cheerios and juice with their 18-month-olds versus when really having such snacks. Many behavioral changes across pretend and real scenarios were discovered, and several were associated with people ages 4 to adult correctly identifying pretense acts as pretense (Richert & Lillard, 2004) and with 18-month-olds' smiling at and participating in pretense acts, potential indicators of understanding (Lillard, 2004).The experiments reported here extend that work in two directions. The first experiment addresses whether mothers vary their pretend behaviors as children become more competent Copyright © 2007 pretenders, from 15 to 24 months of age, and whether different maternal behaviors are associated with children appearing to understand pretending across this age range. The second experiment examined whether the findings replicate in a different pretend context, personal grooming, to know if the pretend "signs" mark all pretense or only pretend snacking. The results of the earlier Lillard and Witherington (2004) work are reviewed first.Past literature suggested smiling as a possible indicator of pretense (Kavanaugh & Engel, 1998;Piaget, 1962;Wellman & Hickling, 1993). Children and adults use smiling as an indicator of pretend fighting (Boulton, 1993), and nonhuman primates apparently indicate play fighting with the "play face" (Eibl-Eibesfeldt, 1989;van Hooff, 1972). Lillard and Witherington (2004) found that when mothers were pretending with 18-month-olds, they did smile more than when really having snacks, and their smiles lasted longer on average. In addition, Lillard and Witherington found that pretend smiles were frequently judged to be "about" the mothers' own actions, namely because they were placed just after those actions. A child could plausibly reference the mother's pretend smile as an indicat...

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“…Increased looking time to child during pretense supports this . By age 3 children also behave as if pretense were a joint attention activity: They are more likely to look at an experimenter while engaging in pretense acts than while engaging in nonsymbolic ones (Striano, Tomasello, & Rochat, 2001). …”

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confidence: 99%