Social Contracts, Networks and Security in Tropical Africa Conflict States: An Overview

Leonard, David K.

doi:10.1111/1759-5436.12003

Cited by 28 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 17 publications

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“…Inequitable distribution of and access to land is a known risk factor for fragility and conflict, and a factor in both acute and chronic undernutrition. The ability to formalise more equitable access to farming land through extension of norms and controls on property, may reflect government policy capable of e and interested in e advancing livelihood, food security and associated nutritional welfare of its rural farming population and, in this respect, positively oriented to an initiative like SUN (Leonard, 2013;Prosterman, 2012).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Scaling up nutrition in fragile and conflict-affected states: The pivotal role of governance

Taylor

Pérez-Ferrer

Griffiths

et al. 2015

Social Science & Medicine

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Scaling up nutrition in fragile and conflict-affected states: The pivotal role of governance

Taylor

Pérez-Ferrer

Griffiths

et al. 2015

Social Science & Medicine

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“…Given the scale and resilience of regional conflict on the continent, several attempts have been made at regional peace-building, from Dafur to Cote d'Ivoire, especially around the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), GLR, and Horn such as the ongoing process around the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region, reinforced and publicised by the US Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) Section 1502 on conflict metals. These increasingly involve a fluid range of actors in a heterogeneous coalition (Leonard, 2013), from INGOs to MNCs, as such conflicts are always about 'greed' as well as 'grief'; so resource extraction and accumulation proceeding in tandem with violence, all too often targeting women and children as successive UN reports on the Congo have revealed. And as security is increasingly privatized, especially in and around RSA, so such coalitions become ever more problematic.…”

Section: Varieties Of 'New Regionalisms'mentioning

confidence: 99%

African agency? Africa, South Africa and the BRICS

Shaw

2014

Int Polit

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African states, economies and societies are increasingly ambivalent about Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (the BRICS), especially their latest, fifth member, South Africa, as economic growth comes with costs, shorter-and longer-term, from social to ecological. 'Emerging' economies, powers and societies may claim to be 'developmental' but they still confront challenges of governance, especially of their nonrenewable natural resources. Since 2001, Africa's GDP has expanded more quickly each year than the global average. In the past decade, only the bloc of developing Asian economies, led by China, has grown faster than Africa … … even as China slows, there is enough momentum for Africa's GDP to grow by around 5.5 per cent in 2014, the average of the past decade -faster than any other region in the world, according to the EIU. (O'Sullivan, 2014, p. 73) Divergence in rates of development between the North and the South may increase as the global South grows and challenges the dominance of the North, now beset by problems such as ageing populations, climate change and the Eurozone. The range of security strategies, as discussed by Lobell, Williams and Jesse (2015) that apply in other regions like South America may not resonate in Africa because of its distinctive

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“…Finally, in rejecting a purely state-centred approach we focus instead on the real nature of security arrangements, including their varied links to political authority below, within and above the state. 14 The governance of (in)security, especially in conflict prone and post-conflict states is "multileveled" (Cawthra and Luckham 2003;Baker 2010;Leonard 2013). It involves complex arrays of international, state and non-state actors who variously cooperate and compete for power and resources and who determine patterns of security and insecurity.…”

Section: According To This Conceptualisation Security Can Be Seen As mentioning

confidence: 99%

The Two Faces of Security in Hybrid Political Orders: A Framework for Analysis and Research

Luckham

Kirk

2013

Stability: International Journal of Security &Amp; Development

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This paper reframes the security and development debate through fresh theoretical lenses, which view security as highly contested both in the realm of politics and in the realm of ideas. For some analysts security concerns political power, including the use of organised force to establish and maintain social orders and to protect them from external and internal threats. For others it is about how individuals and communities are protected (or protect themselves) from violence, abuse of power and other existential risks. We integrate both approaches whilst placing our focus on the deep tensions between them. Combining them is especially apposite in the hybrid political orders of conflict-torn regions in the developing world – where the state and its monopoly of violence are contested and diverse state and non-state security actors coexist, collaborate or compete. We ask what security in these hybrid contexts looks like from below, that is from the perspective of “end users”, be these citizens of states, members of local communities or those who are marginalised and insecure. What are their own vernacular understandings of security, and how do these understandings link to wider conceptions of citizen and of human security? Even when security and insecurity are experienced and decided locally, they are at the same time determined nationally and globally. It is at the interfaces between local agency, state power and global order that the most politically salient and analytically challenging issues tend to arise. To analyse these interfaces we focus on three interconnecting political spaces, each characterised by their own forms of hybridity, in which security is negotiated with end-users: (i) “unsecured borderlands” where state authority is suspended or violently challenged by alternative claimants to power or providers of security, including non-state armed groups; (ii) “contested Leviathans”, that is state security structures whose authority and capacity to deliver security are weak, disputed or compromised by special interests; and (iii) “securitised policy spaces” in which international actors collaborate to ensure peace and fulfil their responsibility to protect vulnerable end-users in unsecured regions. In making these distinctions we argue that similar analytical lenses can be turned upon international actors in securitised policy spaces as well as upon state and non-state security actors. The concluding section argues that such a reframing of the security and development debate demands not just new modes of analysis but also fresh approaches to research designed both to provide insights into the vernacular understandings, coping strategies and potential agency of end-users and to uncover the informal networks, alliances and covert strategies of the multiple actors determining their security in hybrid political orders. This paper builds upon a systematic literature search undertaken by the Justice and Security Research Programme (JSRP) at the London School of Economics (LSE) funded by the UK’s Department for In...

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Social Contracts, Networks and Security in Tropical Africa Conflict States: An Overview

Cited by 28 publications

References 17 publications

Scaling up nutrition in fragile and conflict-affected states: The pivotal role of governance

Scaling up nutrition in fragile and conflict-affected states: The pivotal role of governance

African agency? Africa, South Africa and the BRICS

The Two Faces of Security in Hybrid Political Orders: A Framework for Analysis and Research

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