Social movement unionism in practice: organizational dimensions of union mobilization in the Los Angeles immigrant rights marches

Abstract

To revitalize union movements globally, labour scholars frequently prescribe social movement unionism. This union strategy adopts social change goals beyond member representation and contract negotiations and often requires allying with community organizations in pursuit of these goals. As a term, however, social movement unionism is often described in opposition to union organizational functions, such as member representation. This article challenges this organizationmovement dichotomy by demonstrating the important influence of union organizational dimensions on the dynamics of social movement unionism. Analysis is based on case study research of labour union involvement in the 2006 immigrant rights marches in Los Angeles. Unions that participated in organizing these marches -thus, practicing social movement unionism -allied with large community organizations, preferred reform goals and advocated tactics perceived as effective. Such strategic decisions were informed by organizational considerations regarding members' interests and unions' long-term capacity for mobilization.

Solidarities In and Through Work in an Age of Extremes

“…Instead, the campaigns are primarily led and organised by workplace and community-based activists, with strong links to the wider network of social justice movements (Rolf, 2015) that mobilise inside and outside of workplaces in local areas and through digital networks (Wood, 2015). Both the Our Walmart and Fight For $15 campaigns point to the emergence and nurturing of a solidarity that challenges the tensions between unions' structured organisation and less formal grassroots social movements (Engeman, 2015), which can be exacerbated by union-led community-based organising campaigns (see Holgate, 2015) Another importance source for developing understanding of labour solidarity has been the flourishing debate on labour mobilisation sparked by Kelly's (1998) seminal Rethinking Industrial Relations. Kelly (1998: 27) commences by arguing that collective action is born of a sense of injustice, not just dissatisfaction, where there is "the conviction that an event, action or situation is 'wrong' or 'illegitimate'.…”

“…Instead, the campaigns are primarily led and organised by workplace and community-based activists, with strong links to a wider network of social justice movements (Rolf, 2016) that mobilise inside and outside of workplaces in local areas and through digital networks (Wood, 2015). Both the OUR Walmart and Fight For $15 campaigns point to the emergence and nurturing of a solidarity that challenges the tensions between unions’ pre-structured organisation and less formal grassroots social movements (Engeman, 2015), which can be exacerbated by union-led community-based organising campaigns (see Holgate, 2015).…”

Reconceptualising Solidarity in the Social Factory: Cultural Work between Economic Needs and Political Desires

“…In addition, the notion of the ‘creative class’ conceptualises cultural labour as an essential part of neighbourhood renewal, whose value created through cultural initiatives, however, is often siphoned off by others, such as the real estate industry. This not only fundamentally questions the notion of labour as the sole source of economic value-production, it also demands conceptualising work-related solidarity beyond merely thinking about redistributing resources, as current discussions on the role and functions of unions suggest (Banting and Kymlicka, 2017; Engeman, 2015). To be able to conceptualise solidarity under the conditions of extended value-extraction in the social factory, this article draws on an Arendtian framework (1998[1958]) that extends the productive modes of labour and work with action as a distinct political mode of activity.…”

“…Political solidarity differs from the notion of social solidarity as it goes beyond pre-existing communities in that it constitutes ‘a moral relation formed when individuals or groups unite around some mutually recognized political need or goal’ (Scholz, 2015: 732). While it does not necessarily exclude other forms of solidarity – for instance when union work merges with activist movements (Engeman, 2015) – it is not rooted in the homogeneity of a community. Instead, political solidarity is ‘an achievement, the result of active struggle to construct the universal on the basis of particulars/differences’ (Mohanty, 2003: 7).…”

“…Traditionally associated with organised labour (Hyman, 1999(Hyman, , 2015, discussions on solidarity often revolve around revitalising unions, for instance through strategies of organising (Connolly et al, 2017;Engeman, 2015), reflecting notions of solidarity based on ideas of community, membership or even homogeneity (Bayertz, 1999). Without diminishing the need for collective action, this article argues that such an understanding tends to fall short of grasping possibilities for solidarity in light of precarious labour conditions that lead to increased mobility, flexibility and individualisation (see, for example, Virno, 2004).…”