Socio‐cultural Adaptation of Second‐generation Afghans in Iran

Abstract

The long-term settlement of Afghan immigrants in Iran, along with their high fertility, has produced an important shift in the composition of their population with the emergence of a "second generation". This article aims to examine how second-generation Afghans have adapted to the host society and to what extent their adaptation patterns have correlated with demographic and contextual factors. The data is drawn from the 2010 Afghans Adaptation Survey which covered 520 second-generation Afghans. Results revealed that second-generation Afghans have a variety of adaptation patterns. Integration is the most prevalent pattern of adaptation and acculturation (which is observed among 35.8 per cent of respondents) followed by separation (33.3%), assimilation (17.1%) and marginalization (13.8%). Our multivariate analysis showed that such socio-demographic factors as gender, education, ethnicity, perceived discrimination, family context, neighbourhood characteristics, length and city of residence are associated with their adaptation patterns. POLICY IMPLICATIONS• Successful implementation of policies and durable solutions for Afghans in Iran rests on the diversity of the adaptation patterns of their second-generation.

A retrospective study of demographic parameters and major health referrals among Afghan refugees in Iran

“…Afghans today in fact represent the largest group of refugees in the world [2]. The Afghan situation in Iran is characterized by a) prolonged exile, b) large numbers (1,019,700 Afghan refugees as of July 2011), c) residence in urban areas, d) the emergence of a second generation, and e) a significant social support system provided by the host country [3-5]. These factors have largely shaped and determined healthcare for this population.…”

Actual and ideal fertility differential among natives, immigrants, and descendants of immigrants in a northeastern state of India

“…The literature summarises four main theoretical perspectives to explain differentials in fertility behaviours and attitudes between migrants and non-migrants (Abbasi-Shavazi & Sadeghi, 2015;Majelantle & Navaneetham, 2013). The causes of the native-migrant fertility differential can be condensed into four basic hypotheses, namely, socialization or generational, selectivity, adaptation, and disruption (Abbasi-Shavazi & Sadeghi, 2015;Kulu, 2005).…”

“…Immigrant fertility behaviours also do not resemble those of nonmigrants back in the country of origin. Immigrants' fertility behaviour eventually starts resembling that of the native‐born population at the migration destination with, inter alia, time and educational advancements (Abbasi‐Shavazi et al, ; Abbasi‐Shavazi & Sadeghi, ). A study conducted in rural South Africa found that Mozambican self‐settled refugees are adopting the childbearing patterns of South African women.…”

“…However, a similar stand is maintained by the disruptive hypothesis, which states that although migration as a process may involve a drop in fertility rates before and upon arrival in the receiving country, because of the disruption to immigrants' life, these rates eventually rise once the immigrants have settled down at their destination (Abbasi‐Shavazi & Sadeghi, ).…”

Assessing attitudes of citizens of Qazvin city towards Afghan Refugees via Cybernetics

“…As these researchers believe, employees who have direct relations with migrants and students accept equal rights for migrants more than other social groups. Mahmoudian (2007), Mirzaei (2014), Naghsh Nejad (2015, Abbasi Shwazi and Sadeghi (2014), andAbbasi Shwazi et al (2015) investigated and identified resources of inequality (including educational and employment obstacles) between the second and third generations of Afghans and the host community. Also investigated was socio-cultural adaptation of the second generation of Afghans with Iranian community.…”