Sociology and the Problems of Alcohol; Foundations for a Sociologic Study of Drinking Behavior

Bacon, Selden D.

doi:10.15288/qjsa.1943.4.402

Cited by 40 publications

(14 citation statements)

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“…In the ER context, excessive alcohol consumption is regarded as an agent related to harmful effects that translate into serious traumatism; this damage is caused by social problems such as violence, unemployment, poverty, family relations, etc. 13,14 We noticed that there are conditions that enable one to conceive of alcohol as a media vehicle in social problems, meaning that the ER context contains a social sphere determined by ambivalence towards alcohol consumption it is not only a disease caused by biological, somatic and pathological dimension, but also by the dialectics of the social, cultural and even personal structure. This can be clarified through the assessment of ethylic intoxication in the doctor-patient relationship, given than these connections shape a doctor's knowledge and practice 15 as much as the patient's imaginary.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ethnography in an emergency room: evaluating patients with alcohol consumption

2008

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Objective. To present an ethnographic description of the treatment of patients with excessive alcohol consumption in an emergency room, how they are evaluated by doctors, and the various contextual aspects surrounding this condition. Materials and Methods. The ethnographic work was carried out over a period of two months, with researchers working 24 hours a day, seven days a week from January 9 to March 15, 2002 in the emergency room (ER) at General Hospital, Mexico City. Results. Patients that had consumed alcohol and were admitted to the ER had to wait longer than others to be treated for their intoxication to wear off and for their sometimes aggressive attitude to become calm. The rejection of the alcoholized patients was expressed through scolding to persuade alcohol-dependent patients or those that abused alcohol to reduce their consumption. Conclusion. The theoretical and methodological approach of the ethnographic observation enables reflection on the social and cultural mechanisms related to this health problem.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Ethnography in an emergency room: evaluating patients with alcohol consumption

2008

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“…Bacon's position was, of course, in keeping with the broad alcohol-problems perspective originally favored by Haggard and Jellinek. Jellinek published the memo as an article in the Quarterly Journal (Bacon, 1943). By doing so, he not only published an articulate statement of the scientific approach, but also sought to demonstrate science's objectivity by offering differing views in the same journal on how a research program should be shaped.…”

Section: The Yale Section: Developing An Alcohol Problems Perspectivementioning

confidence: 99%

E. M. Jellinek and the evolution of alcohol studies: a critical essay

Page

1997

Addiction

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“…With deviance, however, an enduring categorical stigma is attached to the act and actor (Goffman 1963). In the following pages we elaborate upon ow assessment of deviant action as untimely by discussing a particular behavior-dhk-ing-that spans the gamut of conventional to deviant action where it often invites label-lings6 The American preoccupation with drinking has resulted in an elaborate specification of particular uses of time and temporal dimensions to distinguish deviant from nondeviant imbibing, perhaps first recognized by Bacon (1943). These same temporal dimensions can be used to reconceive so-called deviant imbibing as conventional.…”

Section: Temporalitymentioning

confidence: 99%

Untimely Acts: Extending the Interactionist Conception of Deviance

Reese

Katovich

1989

The Sociological Quarterly

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hteractionists and l a b ing theorists have made actors central to a jointly constructed process of deviance. This article extends their arguments to the deviant act itself and suggests how uses and conceptions of time and temporality distinguish deviant acts from routine or other unconventional acts. It treats time systematically in relation to designations of deviance by, first, correlating timing with temporal structures; second, comparing and contrasting deviant acts with untoward and anomalous acts; third, discussing nine temporal dimensions involved in the construction of deviant acts by illustrating how diagnosticians identify problematic drinking; fourth, elaborating the use of these dimensions to deviance in general and to issues of legal and "universal wrongs" which imply a negotiated moral order in modem society.The issues raised by the interactionist perspective on deviance (particularly, the labelling or societal reaction perspective) have encouraged sociologists to explore the interaction between alleged deviants and their audiences and, thus, to treat deviance as joint action (). Adherents and opponents of the interactionist perspective will likely go on debating the merits of specific conceptualizations (e.g., secondary deviance in Gove 1975), but few deny to interactionists their hard-won understanding of deviance as a socially constructed reality which involves the process of stigmatizing actors and acts (Schur 1975). While the probability of ascribing and stigmatizing some acts and actors as deviant can allow researchers to detect and predict regularities, there is nothing within nature and outside of a negotiated order that makes an act deviant in and of itself (Erikson 1962).Despite a wide appreciation that no act is inherently or intrinsically deviant, the aspects of an act which are likely to evoke specific societal reactions and designations remain incomplete and unsystematic. This article explores how an act is defined as deviant through a shared and consensual use of time and, consequently, how particular acts come to be viewed as untimely and vulnerable to negative ascriptions.One crucial but neglected determination of deviance revolves around the temporal *Direct all wrrespadence to: WiUiam A. Reese, Department of Sociology, P.O. Box 30790, Texas Christian University, Fort Wonh, TX 76129.dimensions of an act. Specifically, interactants use particular temporal coordinates or parameters to demarcate the socially defined boundary between normalcy and deviance and as critical cues of how deviant (severe or bad) an act is considered. Understanding how acts or actors become identified as deviant is bound to an additional understanding of how interactants organize temporal life to construct patterned responses to acts and to negotiate distinctions between a variety of these acts.We suggest that time and temporal dimensions are used by competent members of society (the "wide awake citizenry" of Schutz and Luckmann 1973,) and agents of social control to "document" and "typify" action, as either...

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Sociology and the Problems of Alcohol; Foundations for a Sociologic Study of Drinking Behavior

Cited by 40 publications

References 0 publications

Ethnography in an emergency room: evaluating patients with alcohol consumption

Ethnography in an emergency room: evaluating patients with alcohol consumption

E. M. Jellinek and the evolution of alcohol studies: a critical essay

Untimely Acts: Extending the Interactionist Conception of Deviance

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