I remember the moment well. I was doing fieldwork in Navarre, northern Spain, in the mid-1980s. Taking a weekend break, I was due to visit a commune in a hilly valley at the foot of the Pyrenees. Local friends had established it in a deserted village two years earlier. Before making the trek to their homes, my companion, who was from the area, wanted to show me Lakabe, the long-established, very successful commune on the other side of the narrow valley. As we walked down the valley's sole road, we met a group of some twenty youths, all carrying shovels, picks and hoes. 'They're a work party from the drug rehabilitation centre in the next village,' she said. ' And in the village after that, Buddhists from Bilbao are renovating the houses for a meditation centre. ' Her words made me realise, with a sudden flash, that almost the entire valley was being repopulated by a variety of alternatives: organic communards, Indophilic mystics, and addicts digging their way out of their habit. The indigenes had fled the area two decades before, for the sake of jobs in Pamplona. Now a new generation, of the disenchanted and the unemployed, had come in to renovate their collapsing houses, clear their fields, push the forest back, and start afresh. The Navarran regional government usually approved of this re-appropriation and would even consider giving them title to the lands they were working. My second realisation was that this style of rural repopulation was relatively general and gravely understudied. Wright, in a 1992 review of recent ethnography on rural Britain, could only cite five examples, and only one of those (Strathern 1981) took the topic of incomers as a worthwhile theme (Wright 1992).The new arrivals into rurality were not given due space in contemporary studies. Other than some work by Edwin Ardener and a few of his Oxford students in the late 1970s, the topic appeared to have been neglected (e.g. Ardener 1985; Macdonald 1989). So I convened a conference, held at Oxford Brookes University, some of whose papers, appropriately revised, are included here. In fact, the lack of interest in rurality went further than I originally realised. To my surprise, when I emailed a UK colleague inviting him to attend, he replied: 'The problem with "countryside studies" is that the latest trend is to study urban ethnic landscapes and not rural settings. ' In France the shift is equally marked: