“…It should be noticed, however, that a good part of rap music has been well institutionalized through corporate annexation (cf. Neal, 1997) within the context of the recording and entertainment industry and integrated in the leisure economy. In a ‘sanitized’ version, rap has been used by the mainstream pop music industry to create some sensation, mixing typical sentimental lyrics with unusual non-verbal elements, hence the name of this preference structure.…”
The present study examined the relationship between music preferences, values, and musical identities in a sample of 606 Greek college students. Students indicated the importance of music in defining and evaluating themselves and their values on an abbreviated version of the Schwartz Value Survey (Schwartz, 1992). A typology of music preferences was revealed, with five factors: sophisticated and complex (e.g., jazz); native-Greek traditional (e.g., ‘rebetika’); sentimental and sensational (e.g., pop); established rebellious (e.g., rock); and non-mainstream dissonant (e.g., punk). Hierarchical regression analyses showed that values and perceived importance of music to self-definition (i.e., musical identities) contribute differentially in predicting the music preference structures, for example self-transcendence predicted established rebellious and conservation predicted sentimental and sensational; also musical identity was positively related to established rebellious and negatively to sentimental and sensational. These findings are discussed and interpreted within a psychological, as well as an interdisciplinary, theoretical framework.
“…It should be noticed, however, that a good part of rap music has been well institutionalized through corporate annexation (cf. Neal, 1997) within the context of the recording and entertainment industry and integrated in the leisure economy. In a ‘sanitized’ version, rap has been used by the mainstream pop music industry to create some sensation, mixing typical sentimental lyrics with unusual non-verbal elements, hence the name of this preference structure.…”
The present study examined the relationship between music preferences, values, and musical identities in a sample of 606 Greek college students. Students indicated the importance of music in defining and evaluating themselves and their values on an abbreviated version of the Schwartz Value Survey (Schwartz, 1992). A typology of music preferences was revealed, with five factors: sophisticated and complex (e.g., jazz); native-Greek traditional (e.g., ‘rebetika’); sentimental and sensational (e.g., pop); established rebellious (e.g., rock); and non-mainstream dissonant (e.g., punk). Hierarchical regression analyses showed that values and perceived importance of music to self-definition (i.e., musical identities) contribute differentially in predicting the music preference structures, for example self-transcendence predicted established rebellious and conservation predicted sentimental and sensational; also musical identity was positively related to established rebellious and negatively to sentimental and sensational. These findings are discussed and interpreted within a psychological, as well as an interdisciplinary, theoretical framework.
“…C. Watkins, 2005). Even as hip-hop’s popularity and marketplace appeal expanded, Neal (1997) points out that rappers “reclaimed the critical possibilities of popular culture, by using popular culture and by extension the marketplace, as the forum to popularize critical issues within their fractured urban locales to stimulate a broad discussion” (p. 134). These discourses and the discussions they invoked centered around anti-Black racism, poverty, crime, quality housing, and mass incarceration among other issues.…”
Section: Rap Race and Representation In The Popular Mediamentioning
This essay uses Tupac Shakur’s Me Against the World as a case study examining how Black male artists use hip-hop music for articulating the racialized vulnerability organizing their manhood. By thinking about how Shakur understands his Black maleness through his social relationality to the world around him, Shakur’s album creates resistive space for defining Black maleness despite how Black masculinity is often defined and imposed on Black men. Shakur’s album maps a relational network for understanding a brand of Black manhood obscured by dominant discourses about Black men and their masculinity. Specifically, Shakur’s album frames Black maleness through poverty and how it orients Black men, his perpetual susceptibility to harm and death, and suicide ideation as a response to his despair. Connecting Black maleness and vulnerability, Shakur’s album offers insight about being Black and male in a patriarchal White supremacist society.
“…This not only harmed the nature of this music but also the black emancipation movement itself:As the decade of the 1970s progressed and the Black Public Sphere began to exhibit early signs of deterioration, predicated on black middleclass flight, the demise of central cities, and the postindustrial transformation of urban economies, black identity—in other words Blackness—became largely mediated and thus determined by the mechanisms of mass consumer culture. (Neal, “Sold Out” 120)…”
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