It has been claimed that Archaic and Classical Greek had two main types of headed relative clauses: (i) postnominal externally headed relative clauses; and (ii) internally headed relative clauses (Perna 2013a;2013b;Fauconnier 2014;Probert 2015). In this article, we take a closer look at the semantic and syntactic properties of the second category in Post-classical and Early Byzantine Greek (I-VIII AD). Analysing a corpus of documentary texts, we show that a good deal of the examples in this period do not correspond to the established properties of internally headed relative clauses in the history of Greek. This leads us to propose that at least some examples that are apparently internally headed should be revised as a third relative clause type, namely prenominal externally headed relative clauses. We hypothesise that such examples came into existence through form-function reanalysis of internally headed relative clauses, a process which we suggest took place already in the Classical period (V-IV BC). In the last part of our article, we investigate the motivation for the choice of internally headed and prenominal externally headed relative clauses over the postnominal ones: we show that such examples occur strikingly frequently in formal texts such as contracts, petitions and formal letters. We propose that in such texts, internally headed and prenominal externally headed relative clauses, which are syntactically more complex, function as 'transparent signifiers' (Hodge & Kress 1988), serving as a marker of a higher social level. . 6 In this article, we refer to the (nominal) constituent that is semantically shared by both the relative clause and the matrix clause as 'head noun' or simply as 'head'. A number of alternative labels have been chosen in the literature to refer to the same (syntactic) object as 'head (noun)', among which are 'antecedent', 'pivot', or 'domain nominal'. For the purposes of this article, nothing hinges on these terminological differences. 7 With HEAD standing for 'head noun', rel pro for 'relative pronoun', i for 'anaphoric relationship', V for 'verb', and Ø for the gap/presumably deleted constituent at the relativisation site. 8 Compare Fiorentino (2007: 275-6) for this notation. The head noun assumes a grammatical function both within the relative clause, precisely at the relativization site, and outside of it. Very much in line with Fiorentino (2007: 275-6), we assume that this is established with a double anaphoric relationship in the relative clause construction: (i) between the head noun and the relative pronoun; and (ii) between the relative pronoun and a 'deleted' constituent.
530