Search citation statements
Paper Sections
Citation Types
Year Published
Publication Types
Relationship
Authors
Journals
v o t e r s in American elections face a daunting task. They are asked to predict, on the basis of complex, frequently-biased, and sometimes difficult to obtain information, which candidate will produce public policies which will better serve the interests of the voter and those the voter holds dear, taking into account the myriad checks and balances which constrain each elected official, the federal system, and the unintended consequences which generally beset policy. Not surprisingly, there exists considerable variation in the way voters approach this demanding responsibility (Rivers 1988). There is a considerable literature in political science, going back to before the publication of The American Voter (Campbell et al. 1960), which suggests that a great many citizens are not up to the task.Some voters possess significant amounts of electorally-relevant information which was gathered for non-electoral reasons. Some may find it relatively easy to gather information and be motivated to do so. Others are less motivated, face higher costs, or have fewer non-electoral reasons for collecting such information. Because some types of information are more difficult to gather and analyze than others, high information voters choose between candidates on the basis of mote (and arguably better) cues than their less well-informed fellow-citizens (Moon 1990).It is also likely that the availability of cues (and, therefore, the use of those cues) varies from one electoral context to another. Media attention, candidate financial resources, the nature of the responsibilities of the office, the nominating process, and many other factors affect what voters are exposed to before election day. This would apply to races for different offices, ,as well as to campaigns for the same office held in different years or different jurisdictions. This paper focuses on differences in information usage in five presidential election contests. In particular, it is expected that voters at different levels of information will choose on the basis of different cues, and that the
v o t e r s in American elections face a daunting task. They are asked to predict, on the basis of complex, frequently-biased, and sometimes difficult to obtain information, which candidate will produce public policies which will better serve the interests of the voter and those the voter holds dear, taking into account the myriad checks and balances which constrain each elected official, the federal system, and the unintended consequences which generally beset policy. Not surprisingly, there exists considerable variation in the way voters approach this demanding responsibility (Rivers 1988). There is a considerable literature in political science, going back to before the publication of The American Voter (Campbell et al. 1960), which suggests that a great many citizens are not up to the task.Some voters possess significant amounts of electorally-relevant information which was gathered for non-electoral reasons. Some may find it relatively easy to gather information and be motivated to do so. Others are less motivated, face higher costs, or have fewer non-electoral reasons for collecting such information. Because some types of information are more difficult to gather and analyze than others, high information voters choose between candidates on the basis of mote (and arguably better) cues than their less well-informed fellow-citizens (Moon 1990).It is also likely that the availability of cues (and, therefore, the use of those cues) varies from one electoral context to another. Media attention, candidate financial resources, the nature of the responsibilities of the office, the nominating process, and many other factors affect what voters are exposed to before election day. This would apply to races for different offices, ,as well as to campaigns for the same office held in different years or different jurisdictions. This paper focuses on differences in information usage in five presidential election contests. In particular, it is expected that voters at different levels of information will choose on the basis of different cues, and that the
scite is a Brooklyn-based organization that helps researchers better discover and understand research articles through Smart Citations–citations that display the context of the citation and describe whether the article provides supporting or contrasting evidence. scite is used by students and researchers from around the world and is funded in part by the National Science Foundation and the National Institute on Drug Abuse of the National Institutes of Health.
customersupport@researchsolutions.com
10624 S. Eastern Ave., Ste. A-614
Henderson, NV 89052, USA
This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google Privacy Policy and Terms of Service apply.
Copyright © 2025 scite LLC. All rights reserved.
Made with 💙 for researchers
Part of the Research Solutions Family.